Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXXII
JANUARY, 1939
^^ fW^^
PEWTER FACTORY OF G. RICHARDSON AT THE CORNER
PHENIX AVENUE AND NATICK ROAD IN CRANSTON, R. I.
Si'f Fcrgc' 1.
Photograph hx Mr. P. J . Franklin
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island
CONTENTS
pac;l;
G. Richardson, Cranston Pewterer
by Madelaine R. Brown, M.D. . . Cover & 1
Coojoot, a Graphite Mine
by Paul Francis Gleeson
The Journal of Capt. Tillinghast
The Records of Rhode Island
bv Edward H. West . . . . . 16
List of Members ...... 27
New Publications . . . . . . 32
Notes ........ 32
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XXXIl
JANUARY, 1939
No. 1
Harry Parsons Cross, President
William Davis Miller, Secretary
Robert T. Downs, Treasurer
Howard M. Chapin, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
G. Richardson, Cranston Pewterer
By Madelaine R. Brown, M.D.
G. Richardson has puzzled collectors of American
pewter for many years. The name appears with both a
Cranston and Boston touchmark and it has been assumed
that he worked in both places. "Glennore Company" which
appears on some pieces with "Cranston" remains shrouded
in mystery. George Richardson can be found in Boston
records from 1818-1830 and it is known where he lived
and worked and that he died in 1830 at the age of 83\
The Cranston and Providence county records, however,
have yielded no information until recently a George W. H.
Richardson was found in the Cranston Tax Book for 1 860.
He paid $1.50 on personal property worth $300.00. He
does not appear either in the 1857 or 1870 book.
This information is due to Mrs. M. B. Nickerson of
Cranston who had known a member of the Richardson
family. She had been told where the factory was situated
and that Mr. Richardson had failed in business. The fac-
^ Watkins, L. W. "George Richardson, Pewterer" Antiques 31:19+
April 1937.
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
OLD PICTURE G. RICHARDSON S PEWTER FACTORY
IN CRANSTON, R. I.
tory was used later for other purposes but must have been
deserted by 1885 as shown by the engraving made at that
time (picture above). The old mill stands by a brook
between a waterfall and bridge along with two factory
houses at the corner of Natick and Phenix Avenues, Crans-
ton. The side walls are standing but not the end walls or
roof (picture on cover).
The sugar bowls, tea pots, pint pot and pitcher bearing
the Cranston mark are well made but appear to be of a late
design and could hardly have been made before 1818 by
the Boston G. Richardson. It therefore seems evident ihat
there were two American pewterers by the name of George
Richardson and whether they were related or not remains
unknown.
v^
COOJOOT — A GRAPHITE MINE 3
Coojoot — A Graphite Mine Located in
South Kingstown
Paul Francis Gleeson
On the west bank of the Narrow River between Middle
Bridge and Bridgeton is located Side Hill Farm/ Here,
in the town of South Kingstown, is the traditional site of
the black lead or graphite mine called Coojoot.'
It has been alleged that the Indians made use of the
graphite outcroppings in days before the coming of the
white men — possibly as a source for a blacking material.
The first mention of this black lead, or as it was sometimes
referred to "black earth," is to be found in the writings
of Roger Williams. In the "Key into the Language of
America" he records the Indian word "Metewis" meaning
"black earth."'' At the same time he makes a note of an
Indian town named "Metewemesick"* as being situated in
western Massachusetts. Trumbell, in editing a later edition
of the "Key" interprets "black earth" as referring to plum-
^ In order to reach the mine site it is necessary, after leaving the road,
to scramble over a gate and, crossing a field, to climb the hill for a short
distance.
" There are at least three variants in the spelling of this word. a). On
page 13 of his "Indian Names of Places in Rhode Island" Usher Parsons
uses "Cajoot." b). "Cojoot" is used by Sidney S. Rider in "The Lands
of Rhode Island as the Great Sachems Knew Them" page 140. It might
be of interest to note that Mr. Rider misquotes Dr. Parsons to whom he
attributes the spelling "Cajout." Dr. Parsons gives the name of the
black lead mine as "Cajoot" [see above a).]. Rider page 141 c). On
page 27 5 of Potter's "Early Histor}' of Narragansett" we find "Coojoot."
The writer has used this third form as that is the one found in Potter's
transcript of the first Pettiquamscut Deed.
^ Williams, Roger "Key into the Language of America", 1936 edition
page 192.
^ Ibid.
///
4 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
bago or graphite/' In the same note he shows that in colo-
nies other than Rhode Island there was an interest in the
possible commercial exploitation of this mineral, —
"In 1644, John Winthrop, Jun., had a grant
of the hill at Tantousq, about 60 miles westward
(from Boston), in which the black-leade is.""
This aforementioned deposit would probably be located
somewhere near the town of Sturbridge, formerly an im-
portant center for graphite.
The exact purpose for which the Indians used graphite
is unknown. It is quite possible that it was used for color-
ing purposes. Williams' references to "black earth" are
included in his chapter entitled "Of their paintings." Here
he writes, —
"They paint their Garments, &c.
The men paint their Faces in Warre.
Both Men and Women for pride, &c."'
And further, —
"It hath been the foolish Custome of all bar-
barous Nations to paint and hgure their Faces
and Bodies (as it hath been to our shame and
griefe, wee may remember it of some of our
Fore-Fathers in this Nation.)""
Still quoting from Williams we find that the Indians had
the word "Mowi-sucki,"" meaning black. It is entirely
possible then from the above that black might have been
discovered occupying an important place in a seventeenth
century Indian make-up box. It is also possible that the
ingredients for this tinting preparation might have come
from some black lead mine — possibly from Coojoot. If
these suppositions be true we should not, following Wil-
^ Narragansett Club Publications, Vol. 1 page 207 n 367.
^ Ibid.
^Williams, op. cit. page 191.
Mbid. page 192.
■•^ Ibid, page 191.
COOJOOT A GRAPHITE MIXE 5
liams, refer to the Indians as "barbarous" for the term
"fashionable" would be more suitable. In support of this
we offer the following quotation taken from a contem-
porary book, —
"He could not bear the sight of his own grey
hairs, and therefore used a black-lead comb to
discolor them."^"
Although the Indians may very well have had other
sources for their graphite, the deposit at Coojoot seems to
have been fairly well known in the middle sixteen hundreds.
It is specifically referred to in the first Pettiquamscut Deed
dated January 20, 1657 where we find that, —
"They also grant them all the black lead in this
title and in a place called Coojoot.""
Both Judge Potter and Sidney Rider locate the above men-
tioned deposit as being near the Pettiquamscut Rock and
at the foot of Tower Hill.'' These requirements fit the
situation of Side Hill Farm upon which is found the tradi-
tional site of Coojoot.
The mention of the word Coojoot in the Pettiquamscut
Deed is the only extant use of that word in the seventeenth
century. The most probable explanation for this may pos-
sibly be inferred from the following quotation taken out
of a letter sent by John Winthrop to his son Fitz-John in
England. Under the date of September 12, 1658 he writes
from Boston, —
" — there is some blacklead digged, but not so
much as they expected, it being very difficult to
gett out of the rocks, which they are forced to
break with fires, the rocks being very hard and
not to be entered further than the fire maketh
way, so as the charge hath beene so greate in dig-
^° Murray's Oxford English Dictionary, "V'ol. 1, pt. 2, page 894.
^^ Potter, E. R., "Early History of Narragansctt", page 275.
Rider, op. cit. pages 141-142.
6 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
ging of it that I am like to have no profit by the
same."^"
Although this does not refer to Coojoot, we can well imag-
ine the same situation existing here in Rhode Island. The
crude methods of extraction and the low quality of the
graphite may have operated in such a way as to prevent
the profitable exploitation of the deposit. It is certain that
if Coojoot had been operated profitably there would have
been many more references to it than have been found.
To find the next reference to these graphite deposits it
is necessary to come down to 1 840. In this year Charles T.
Jackson's "Report on the Geological and Agricultural
Survey of the State of Rhode Island" contained the fol-
lowing,—
"Tower Hill, in Kingston. Plumbago is found
here in several places and has been wrought to
some extent for supplying moulding dust for iron
founders. Thirty tons of this substance have been
raised at one time by digging only four feet into
the rocks in the orchard, upon the hill side."^*
It may be inferred from the above that these deposits were
worked to some extent for the benefit of local industry.
Once again, however, it is probable that these operations
were not on any large scale, possibly owing to the afore-
mentioned profit angle.
Over half a century was to pass before another serious
attempt was to be made at operating this mine. On Sep-
tember 9, 1887 Jesse V. B. Watson sold the Side Hill
Farm, which he had inherited from his ancestors, to a
Mrs. Emma Carver. During her ownership Mrs. Carver
executed a mining franchise to a graphite company which
hoped to work the deposits. It is believed that this com-
^^ Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, Fifth Series, \'ol. \ III,
pages 49-50.
^* Jackson, C. T., "Report on the Geological and Agricultural Survey
of the State of Rhode Island", 1840, page 89.
COOJOOT A GRAPHITE MINE 7
pany was responsible for extending and deepening the
shafts as well as installing a narrow gauge railway to con-
nect them. Although some mining was done and although
an effort was made to float stock or bonds on the New York
market, the venture was unsuccessful due to the heavy
expense involved and the small chance for profit.
Side Hill Farm changed owners again when on October
9, 1908 it was purchased by Thomas G. Hazard, Jr.
of Narragansett from Charles Carver and J. Henry Carver,
Executors under the will of Emma Carver. A few years
later during the World War when mineral prices were
high some slight interest was shown in the possibility of
reopening the mine. Once again, even in a period of boom
prices, it was decided that the mine could not be operated
profitably. Since the War the mine has been left undis-
turbed and bushes and weeds have gradually begun to hide
it from public view.' '
^'' Information contained in a letter to the writer from Mr. Thomas G.
Hazard, jr., dated November 15, 1938.
8 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The Journal of Capt. Tillinghast'
Thursday Providence Aug 23'^ 1804
At 7 "Clock started on our journey from R. Durfee arrivid
at Fisher Tavern 1 5 Miles avery rougf stone & hilly, started
@ Syz "^Clock: arivid at Eatons in Plainfield @ 7^ "Clock
15 miles the chief part of the rode good 30 miles
24th Started at 6^ "Clock Canterbury 4 miles situated on a
plesent Hill Scotland meating house 6 miles Windham
4 miles the County Town arrived at Staniford (aj
10 "Clock rode good but very hilly the first 10 m. the
land poor and full of small round stone found Wind-
ham a very pleasent & handsome Town being Court
day started at 12 "Clock pased over Windham Brige
land poor for some distance at 3 "Clock stops @ J. Roses
Tavern 1 0 miles from Windham past over Willymat-
tock Brige the river being low saw that the bend of the
river was entirely a flatt rock saw some good meadow
1. Capt. William E. Tillinghast, the author of this interesting, though
hardly important, journal was a native of Providence. He was engaged in the
West Indian trade during the last quarter of the eighteenth and the first
two decades of the nineteenth centuries. At various times he was owner
or part owner In many vessels, including the ship Fciir American, the
brigs Hunter, Planter, Argus and Commerce, and the schooner Polly.
He was on board the Planter when, as he expresses it, she "upset" off the
coast of North Carolina.
Tillinghast was a descendant of Pardon Tillinghast who settled in
Frenchtown during the latter years of the seventeenth century and would
seem to have spent a good deal of his time ashore in that part of the state.
He married Amey Mawney daughter of Pardon and Experience (Gardi-
ner) Mawney of Frenchtown. It was to visit his wife's relations that this
journey to New York State was made.
The journal is preserved in both its rough form and the rewritten
"fair" copy. There are certain variations between the two, some of which
are herewith noted. Capt. Tillinghast's life at sea is evidenced by much of
the phraseology of the writing — but it cannot account for his erratic
spelling. His ships papers and ledgers &c. are now in the John Carter
Brown Library. W. D. M.
THE JOURNAL OF CAPT. TILLINGHAST 9
land on the banks of the river the up land in generall
poor, at 5^ "Clock started from Roses in the town of
Coventy in Tollon County for Woodbureys {Tavern)
34 East Hartford 1 0 miles arrived at 8 "Clock avery pleas-
ent place and a good house & fare come down one every
Steap hill rode narrow and high mountain on both sides
25th Started at 6^ "Clock arrived at Goodwins in the
Capital of East Harford at 8 "Clock 8 miles and one
from the Ferrey not any thing of good fare a very
handsome place streat wide with a row of Elm trees in
the midle. started at %V2 "Clock to the Ferrey 1 mile
crosed the Ferrey which was much narrower then I
expected to have found arrived at Lee's Tavern Har-
ford City at 10 "Clock found it a much larger place
then expect'^ and avery elegent Court House Business
appeard to be brisk, started from Lee's at 3 "Clock
a very poor fare for a City Tavern Stop*^ at Windsor at
A-^A "Clock 7 miles started at 5 "Clock arrived at Suffield
Col. Kent's lA mile south of the Meating house @
7^ "Clock miles/Sixes Stage House/ the rodes
good and land chief part of the way very sandy & poor
timberd with Pines W. Burch & shrub Oak for 4 miles
no house
Sunday 26th Started at 6 "Clock for Westfield through
Springfield whare are plenty of Orchards and trees full
of frute the hrst part of the rode good the latter part
very bad crost over the Toll Brige and kep the river
rode and the worst since our departure arrived at
Eldriges Stage office Westfield @ 9]^ "Clock liy.
miles it raining fast put up for the remainder of the
day. N.B. enquire of Westfield feading Hills" to avoid
the North Hampton rode or you will goe 20 miles
further to Albaney then is necsary
27. Started at 9 "Clock after being well entertaind pro-
ceded on the rode to beckett up the river Turnpike
2. \Vh;it are "feading Hills?"
10 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
rode to Pittsfield clost on the bank of the river and a
very good rode arrived at Chester Whave is a very-
good store of goods kept took the left hand rode stop
at E. Leonard's G, mountains whare we could get
nothing but damag'' shad'' & potatoes rest'' the Horses
arrived at 1 "Clock 1 8 miles started at 3^^ °Clock started
@ 3y2 "Clock arrived at Nobles at 6 "Clock in the
Town of Washington rainy afternoon and poor Fare
NB this day came over the Green mountains which has
the appearence of the uncleard mountains of the west
Indies and some very high the chief parts of this days
ride through mountains but the rode much better than
could be expect^
28th Started at 6JX "Clock for Mericks in Pittsfield arrived
at 8>^ "Clock 38 miles from Westfield Reading Hills
came down one steap Hill 1 mile Long in the valley
Pittsfield is situated a very pleasent place and land
good, found good far. Started at 10 'Clock at 12j/2
"Clock arriv'd at Colts in Lebenon a good Hour clost
by the Springs went up and took a view of them and
aperd to be good Boarding came over a mountain S'^
to be 1 34 "^ilc ^'"id ""i some places very steap walk up
when on top ther is one of the handsomest prospect
that I ever^saw the farms abought Lebenon laying on
the side of a hill opposite the mountain walk'' down hill
it being so steap did not think it safe to ride and gave
us a good swet it being very hot 7j/2 miles from Mer-
icks. started from Colts at 3^ "Clock a good hour,
arrived at Coons 20 miles at 9 "Clock a dam'' Durty
ugly house and no accomadations. N.B. 2 miles farther
towards the City of Albany is a very good house rodes
good
29th Started at 63^ "Clock crost the Ferrey arrived at Skin-
ners in Albaney at 8^ "Clock pleasent Weather 7 miles
much disapponted in the vew of the City the harbour
3. Rough copy states: "dined upon dam bad shad and potatoes . . . ."
C S. DEMAREST. \
^ ^^'^'O^'^-.,.
^ — 1^^^
/ UNION \
I COFFEE- !•
\ HOUSE. /
K -^ =.^
FORMERLY SIGN OF THE LION,
WATERFOKD^SARATOGA COUNTS.
12 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
is avery handsome elbow the Wharves all join except
three gap ways for people to land a great many good
stores on the whaves a great maney old fashion Dutch
Buildings some handsome Churches Started at 3 "Clock
arrived at Pearces in Troy at 4 °Clock a very pleasent
place and good stores hear we crost the Ferrey 6 miles
from Albaney started at 6 "Clock for Lanungburg
arrivd at Johnson & Judsons Taven a good house 3
miles from Troy
30th at 6 "Clock stated crost the ferrey at Waterford whare
is amost capitall Brige a building 4 arches proceded up
to the Cohows on the Mohowk river took avew of the
Falls the Banks on each side very high and allmost
perpendicular the rock that forms the fall is allmost in
a streight line cross the river after takeing a vew
returnd to Warterford to Breckfast at S. Demarest
Union Coffee House, at 9 "Clock started for Ballstown
20 miles stop at "^ tavern a poor house at
SY2 "Clock arrived at Jesse Patchen a bought one half
mile to the Northward of the Court House found it a
plesant place and land good —
31st This morning took in M" Mawney^ and started for
Ballstown springs 2 miles at which place found Moses
Titcomb Esq"" of S' Croix all most dead so low that
scarsly to be under stood took a Drink of warter vew''
the place whare are a number of most elegent Bording
Houses then proceded on for Saritoga 1 2 miles put up
at M'' Lees inn took a drink of warter vew*^ the spring &
Bathing house dined took M''* H. Tillinghast" and
proced on to Northumberland. M'' Mawney & Almey"
+. The omission is Tillinghast's.
5. His wife's sister-in-law, wife of Peter Mawney (LeMoine) who died
in Moreau, Saratoga County, New York in 1 868 aged 95.
6. Mrs. Hannah (Mawney) Tillinghast wife of Nicholas (NT). After
his death she married Jeffrey Davis of Davisville, being his second wife.
7. Mrs. William E. Tillinghast.
14 RHODE ISLAXD HISTORICAL SOCIETY
returnd to Ballstown arrived early in the eavning at
Cap' P. L. Mawney* at Beach mapple wood 12 miles
found Peter & Nickholas welP. Nichlas building a new
House found a much plesent a place then I expect"^ the
rodes good but too narrow for our Carage the stumps
interfering and the cross ways of logs maney of which
we had to cross joilting most teribbey of which M"^*
Tillinghast Complaind the land of clay and coverd
with a very thin mould. Timber Pine Hemlock &
mapple.
Sep'' P' This day walking round vewing the Cuntry at 9
°Clock tackled up went to sea Elisha Reynolds^° on the
Bank of the North River 3 mile the bed of the river
apperd to be entirly a flatt rock the river low and
narrow a plenty of mud Tortoise found M' Reynolds a
very agreable man returnd at 12^ "Clock this after-
noon a Justic Court held by Major Scovill at which a
great many assembl'^ and murderd Rum without dis-
cretion found the Cuntry dry and very poor warter in
generall So Ends this day
2d this day begins with very foggey morning (^ 9 "Clock
clear & warm went to meating @ the School House
clost at hand at 2 P M started for Glans Falls 8 miles
one of the gratest curiositys that I have sean a number
of Saw mills a good Brige and a wild looking place at
7 "Clock returnd Home and went to bed
Monday Sep*" 3*^ This day begins with a foggey morning
the midle part clear and very hot the latter part cloudy
with light rain
Tuesday 4"' Sept. This day at 10 "Clock started for
Ballstown 22 miles stop at Homes & Kamp at Congress
springs went to vew the same found then the most
curios of any that I had sean their being a hole in the
8. Possibly son of Peter named Pardon (P. L. M.)
9. See notes 5 and 6
10. Descendant of Col. Elisha Reynolds of South Kingstown.
THE JOURNAL OF CAPT. TILLIXGHAST 15
top of a Rock abought 10 or 12 Inches diameter and
four feet deep whare we baled out the warter after
diner started for Ballstown springs found on enquirey
that M. Titcomb dec*^ on Saturday morning at 2 "Clock
from thence to M'' Patchens whare I found Almey well
that the spring warter would not answer for her to
make use off
Wednesday 5th This day went down to ball town Court
House to Traning took a vew of the Rigment returnd
to M'" Patchens to diner and from their home and maid
ready for a start in the morning
Thursday 6*^' This morning turnd out at day light got
Brackfast and started for Northumberland leaving
Amey at M''" Patchen to recute arrived at 2 "Clock 20
miles
Friday 7. this fornoon employd in cleaning Harness &
Chase weather hott & dry — this afternoon went up to
vew Fort Edward on the E. side of the N river found
the remains of a large fort which appeard to be built of
wood & dirt abought 20 feet high and a trench of the
same width. 5 miles
Saturday 8. This day went to Gen'' Training at M*""
Hinckley's abought 600 Troops girls plenty in the
Barn a Dancing returnd at 5^ "Clock plenty drunck
this day 6^ mile Palmertown alis Northumberland
Sunday 9th This day very warm and dry went to meating
with M'', E. Reynolds nothing worthy of notic this day"
Monday 1 0 this day begins very foggey and thick hevy-are
made a Jack, help N. Tillinghast pack up his things
and move to his own house in the afternoon put the
mare in the Gig carried Hanah up found it late con-
cludd to tarrey so Ends this day cloudy
Tuesday 1 1 This day begins with heavy rain, conpl'^ in
cording up Beadsteds makeing bed winch &c so Ends
this day continuing rainy
16 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Wednesday 1 2 This day begins with light spits of rain at
7 held up at 1 0 °Clock tackl'^ up and retund to P. L. M.
compl*^ makeing hog pen & wash binch so Ends this
day with cloudy weather
Thursday 1 3 This day commences with rainy weather the
ground being clay makes it slippry as glass later part
more moderate finish'^ hog pen so ends this day
Friday 14 This day commence cloudy at 12 °Clock clear
greast wheeals and started for Balltown with M''s Maw-
ney went in and took the shower bath at Lee's arrived
at Balltown at sundown found A. T. so so
Saturday 15 This day fare weather tackl'' up took in Amey
and proceded for Northumberland stop at Homes &
Kamps after dinner proceded on stop at N. T arrived
at P. L. M. at sunsett.
(To be continued)
The Records of Rhode Island.*
By Edward H. West
In order to understand the records of a state, it would
seem as if one should first understand something about
the history of that state, so I want to speak on Rhode
Island's history before we take up the records.
The people living outside New England know very little
about its history, that is to say the details which are so
different from those of other parts of this country. And
in picking out New England as an example, I do not except
other sections of this country. I imagine that the people
of the Southern States, although well versed in the history
of their own section, know very little about the history of
the north western states, while the people of California
know very little about the history of Michigan.
♦Given at The National Genealogical Society, Washington, D. C,
19 March, 1938.
THE RECORDS OF RHODE ISLAND 1/
Of course we all learned a general idea of history before
our high school days, but the time in school is too short
to get any details, and when the time comes to look up
ancestry, the history that we learned in school does not
serve us very well.
One of my regrets is that there is practically no local
history taught in the schools. Having occasion to go to
Walpole, Massachusetts, some years ago, I found that the
local historian there, who had written a very fine history
of the town, every year presented a copy of the history to
each high school graduate.
A genealogical book without any history in it makes
rather dry reading, and this also applies to the family
histories, written by so many people who seem to think
that all that is necessary is to get dates. Do not be satisfied
to write that such an ancestor was a colonel in the Revolu-
tion : find out what he did. If there were those who thought
that he was not efficient, put that in as well as their reasons.
Should an ancestor help to found a new town, then try to
get some of the town records. Anything like this will
brighten up a family story in a surprising manner.
Early in 1630, there came to Boston, from England, a
woman who did much to start the Colony of Rhode Island.
This woman was Anne Hutchinson, who, with her husband,
came over to what they supposed was a place for religious
freedom, but they were mistaken. Boston did allow reli-
gious freedom as long as you worshiped in the way that
the judges and ministers said, but in no other way. It is
doubtful if even the most advanced theological student of
today can fully understand the differences in the beliefs of
the early settlers of the Massachusetts Bay Colony.
Anne Hutchinson was born much too soon, for she be-
lieved in a woman's taking part in the religious discussions.
She started to explain the sermons of the Sunday before
to a few woman friends, and gradually the circle grew,
until at times there were as many as eighty persons, both
men and women, at her meetings. This did not suit the
18 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
ministry of Boston, as her opinions did not coincide with
theirs. Time will not permit us to go into the matter with
any detail, but it is enough to say that there were many
debates, court trials, church trials, the ex-communication of
Anne Hutchinson, and more debates, until finally the Gen-
eral Court gave orders that the heads of the families of Anne
Hutchinson's followers, about seventy five in number, were
to be disarmed, "in order to prevent riots."
These men were of all walks of life, some were mem-
bers of the General Court, some merchants, while others
were artisans.
It would seem as if some of these men had discussed the
founding of a new colony even before the order of dis-
armament came, and it is supposed that these meetings took
place at the house of William Coddington, who was prob-
ably the richest man of them all.
Dr. John Clark was one of the men who started off to
find a site for their new colony, and they eventually chose
what is now known as the Island of Rhode Island.
Originally they intended to settle on Long Island or
else in Delaware, but by the advice of Roger Williams,
they looked at the Island of Aquidneck, and after finding
from Plymouth that the Island was not in their patent,
they bought the Island from the Indians. The Colony of
Rhode Island arose, not from any grant by the king, but
by purchases.
Before leaving Boston, these men signed their Compact,
and elected their officers.
The first town meeting in their new home was held
13 May 1638, and from that date to the present, we have
an uninterrupted set of records.
At first all business was transacted at the town meetings,
held quarterly, with many special meetings. But as the
Colony grew, these meetings became too unweildly to
transact everything, and so a Town Council was formed
which transacted much of the business of the town, includ-
ing the duties of a Probate Court.
THE RECORDS OF RHODE ISLAND 19
At the early town meetings many laws were made, some
of them being still in force. The land laws are very inter-
esting, and were changed as the occasion demanded.
One of the early laws concerned the price of land on the
Island, which was set at two shillings per acre, which price
was used as long as there was any land left to sell.
Because there was not an unlimited amount of land on the
Island as there was on the mainland, the farms were com-
paratively small, but the land was all used, while on sec-
tions of the mainland, where large grants were given, much
of the land was not used, and is not even today.
Eventually, as the number of inhabitants grew, land east
of Connecticut was purchased and added to the Colony,
this being settled by men from the Providence Plantations
as well as men from the Island.
The first records of Rhode Island are to be found in
Providence in a book containing the Compact, copies of the
deeds of land purchased from the Indians, early lists of
Freemen of the Colony, and many land grants and transac-
tions of the early settlers. This book contains records from
1638 to about 1696.
There are also many other early records in Providence,
all in charge of the Secretary of State. These consist of all
records of the General Assembly, several books of land
evidence, a very complete set of Revolutionary and Mari-
time records, and thousands of petitions to the General
Assembly, embracing every cause possible.
The first book of Portsmouth shows signs of wear, as
some of its pages have been torn, and probably others are
missing. This book contains the records of the early town
meetings, as well as some deeds and wills. Here too are
the first grants, so called. Not really grants, but assigned
lots which were paid for.
From this book to date the town meeting records are
complete, as are also the town council records.
The first book of Land Evidence covers transactions in
land from 1 646 to 1 704. There are also a few wills in
20 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
this book. As some of the early grants and deeds were in
Providence, John Sanford was ordered, in 1657, to tran-
scribe them into the Portsmouth book. He died that year,
and nothing was done about it until 1930, when the Town
Council of Portsmouth, through the efforts of your speaker,
appropriated money for photostats of these records. Ports-
mouth has now practically a complete set of land records.
The records of Newport are not in such good shape as
those of Portsmouth, and with good reason. When the
British left Rhode Island, the records were taken with
them by the Tory Town Clerk of Newport. The vessel
on which these records were carried was sunk off Hell Gate,
and although she was soon raised and towed in, the records
were wet. Newport sent a protest to the British officers in
New York, and the records were returned, but in all prob-
ability the boxes were not opened at once. In fact it was a
number of years after that the Town Council of Newport
hired a man to separate the pages. These records have all
been mounted in silk, and it is very interesting to see the
results of the salt water on the various kinds of paper and
ink. Some of the records are as legible as the day on which
they were written, while others are faded completely.
Middletown, set off from Newport in 1 744, has a com-
plete set of records. In one of the Town Council books, the
Town Clerk is ordered, in 1776, to place the records in a
safe place, if danger threatens, which he probably did as
they are still in existence.
The Island of Rhode Island was occupied by the British
for three years, and they burned and tore down many
buildings, but some one looked after the records, and by
his foresight we have them today. It has always been a
source of wonderment to me where the Portsmouth records
were hidden during the occupation, as that town lost more
buildings than either of the others. Besides the books of
records there were many loose papers, and it would have
been well, if all those in charge of records, in different
parts of the country in after years, had followed the example
THE RECORDS OF RHODE ISLAND 21
set by these town clerks of Rhode Island, and guarded
their records.
One very interesting page in both the Town Meeting
and Town Council books of Portsmouth, is written in a
very large and flowing hand, and undated. It reads —
"On Sunday ye 8th Day of December A.D. 1 776 About
Eight Thousand Troops landed and took possession of
the Island and Remained until Monday ye 25th Day of
October A.D. 1779, for which time the Inhabitants were
greatly Oppressed."
It is not necessary to state that during the occupation,
no town business was transacted.
When I say the records are complete, I do not mean the
vital records, although these are very much better than in
most of the other sections of the country. Almost at the
very first, both Rhode Island and Massachusetts passed
laws for the recording of births, marriages and deaths, but
there were no teeth in these laws and they were not enforced.
Some of the people recorded everything, while others did
not bother at all. I know of one man who recorded the
births of half his children and his marriage, at one time,
but did not go back to record the births of the rest of his
children. In 1850 Rhode Island passed another law re-
garding these vital records, so from that time the records
are nearly complete.
The unit of government in Rhode Island was the town.
Therefore all records pertaining to any one town are to
be found in that town. This would seem to make it harder
to trace people when compared to the county government
of other states, and this is true in regards to travel. But the
town council records with their inventories, wills and other
probate papers, give information with an intimacy which
is not found in the county records of other states.
The records of Bristol County, Little Compton and
Tiverton start in 1747, as before that date those towns
were in Massachusetts, where the earlier records are to be
found. One has but to compare the probate records of these
22 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
towns before and after 1 747 to see the truth of my former
statement.
North Kingston had a fire which damaged its early
records, and although they have been repaired, many of
the pages are oval in shape, and this in many cases, results
in the loss of the name or date. This town is a hard one
to work in, but if one sticks to it, a great deal can be found.
Two books of the town of Richmond are missing, and
the story about this is that the town clerk of that period
was very eccentric and kept the records in a box under a
window. This caused talk among the town's people who
wished their records kept in a safer place. They formed a
committee to visit the town clerk and to reason with him.
When he saw the men approaching he started to burn the
books, and this is supposed to account for the missing books.
In the Providence city hall is a very fine collection of
old papers called the Providence Town Papers. These
comprise bills, receipts, deeds, laws, and all kinds of rec-
ords imaginable, not only of the town of Providence, but
of the whole state. These are mounted in silk and are
indexed by subjects.
I will give one instance in which these papers were very
valuable to me. Capt. Jonathan Brownell, who raised the
first militia company in Portsmouth at the start of the
Revolution, disappeared after the British troops came to
Portsmouth, and I was unable to find any trace of him for
several years, when he enlisted in Freetown. As I knew
a man of his calibre would not hide, and as I could find no
record of him with the Rhode Island troops, it was long
a puzzle to me as to what had become of him during those
years. A Quaker by birth, he was dismissed from meeting
on account of having raised troops.
In the above mentioned Providence Town Papers, I found
that he had come to Providence and had been taken
down with the small-pox. There was a bill for doctor's
care, nursing and medicine, and also the information that
he had worked off most of this bill by going to war as sub-
THE RECORDS OF RHODE ISLAND 23
stitute for Moses Brown, a very prominent Rhode Island
Quaker.
The Friends Records in Newport date from 1 657, and a
vast amount of information is to be found in them.
I would like to show here a few of the early Portsmouth
records.
In regard to land, the following law was passed in 1638:
"It is ordered and agreed upon that every man's allot-
ment recorded in this book shall be sufficient evidence for
him and his, rightly to possess and enjoy."
At a General Court of Elections, Portsmouth, May
1647, is shown how these men regarded their records, and
their feeling is not matched, to my knowledge, any where
in this country.
"Be it enacted by these present Assemblie, that the Gen-
eral Recorders office shall be in General, to have Coppies
of all the records or Acts of the Generall Assemblie,
Generall and particular Courts of Judicature, Rolls of the
Freemen of the Colonie, Records, Sales and Bargains of
Land, Wills and Testaments, and orders of the Townsmen
touching the Intestate, Records of the Limetts and Bounds
of Towns, their Highways, Driftways, Commons and
Fencing, Privileges and Liberties. And for as much as
matters of greatest concernment ought to be kept and pre-
served with the greatest vigilance: Be it enacted that the
Generall purchases (which are all we can show for our
right to our Lands) and the Charter (which is that which
gives us who are Subjects, right to exercise authority over
one another ) be kept in a strong chest, having four several
Locks annexed thereto, and that each town keep a key
thereof, that so as there is a common right and interest
therein, there may be no access unto them in a divided
way (lest also they be divided ) but with a common consent.
And let it further be enacted, that this chest be kept in the
safest place in the Colonie: and the Generall Recorder,
also, should have the key to the Room in which it is placed,"
It might be well to speak about the Rhode Island Char-
24 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
ters. The one mentioned in the above record is the first
charter. The second charter was granted in 1663. Much
has been written about the Connecticut Charter and how it
escaped the clutches of Andros, by way of the famous oak
tree, but very little is heard of the Charter of Rhode Island,
which is acknowledged to have been the most liberal of that
of any of England's colonies. To be sure Andros demanded
it, but never saw it. It was lost, found, on the way, lost
again, and all kinds of excuses made, but it was safely
hidden, and probably no one today knows where it really
was during those troublesome years of Andros' reign.
That it was safely hidden is shown by the fact that today
it hangs, in a special safe, in the office of the Secretary of
the State of Rhode Island.
In 1656 a law was passed forbidding any person to sell
any liquor to an Indian, either "directly or indirectly,"
and it was made lawful for any person who met an Indian
with liquor, to take it away from him.
In the early days strangers were not looked upon as
desirable unless they bought land, or else brought a cer-
tificate from their last legal place of abode, which showed,
that in time of need, they would be taken back again.
Those old settlers intended to keep their relief problems
at a minimum.
In 1654 it was ordered "that no inhabitant shall enter-
tain any Sojourner above one month without the approba-
tion of the Towne."
In 1658 it is ordered "that Roger Williams shall have
liberty of the Towne for to live with William Wodell
house till the 5th of November en-suen the date hereof:
and no longer by the Towne order."
In this Colony, Church and State were not united, and
a man could worship as he saw fit, or not at all. This was
looked upon as sinful by Massachusetts, and in 1695,
Cotton Mather wrote "I believe there never was held such
a variety of religions together on so small a spot as have
been in that Colony" and again "the condition of the
THE RECORDS OF RHODE ISLAND 25
rising generation upon that Island is indeed lamentable."
You can see by this that even in those days there was a
"Youth Problem."
Real money was scarce, and in a tax list of 1671 it is
seen that taxes were paid in wool, wampum, homespun
cloth and cheese.
In 1713 a small piece of land on Watch Hill was left
public "whereon the watch house now or late standeth."
In 1733 two men petitioned the town for the use of this
land for a wind mill. The town granted the request with
the understanding that in time of war they could "build
a watch house thereon for the defense and safety of the
town."
After the Declaration of Independence was made and
signed, copies were sent to each colony. That received by
Rhode Island was copied by Southwick the printer, of
Newport, and one of these printed copies was sent to each
town, there to be read at a special town meeting. It was
my good fortune to find the copy sent Portsmouth, and it
is now framed and hanging in the Town Clerk's office, the
only known copy in existence. In the records of the town
meeting held 27 August 1776, is written in small, uphill
writing, "the Declarayion of Independence was publically
read."
As you have heard, the Island was occupied by the
British, and some of the inhabitants suffered severely at
their hands, but worse at the hands of the Tories. After
the British troops left, the land of the Tories was confis-
cated, and it would seem as if pressure was brought to bear
upon the State to return this land. The following shows
how this idea was received by Portsmouth. —
At a Town Meeting held 16 April 1783, the following
instructions were given to the Deputies to the General
Assembly —
"You will to the utmost of your power oppose all at-
tempts that may or Shall be made to Induce or Persuade
this State to make good or deliver up the Confiscated prop-
26 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
erty of persons who in this our late Contest with Britain
have born arms against the United States, of America, or
have Directly or Indirectly assisted Great Britain in her
attempt to Subjacate America, or that has Deserted the
Cause of America and taken Refuge or Sanctuary under
the Crown or Dominion of the King of Great Britain or
his arms."
"You will endeavor to get an Act passed at the General
Assemblie to prevent all persons formerly Inhabitants of
the United States who have born arms against the United
States of America, or that have Directly or Indirectly
assisted Great Britain in her late attempt to Subjacate
America, or that has deserted the Cause of America and
taken refuge or Sanctuary under the Crown or Dominion
of the King of Great Britain or his arms, from becoming-
Citizens of this State or Inhabitants thereof or Residing
therein."
This town meeting must have been a rather lively one
although nothing is said about it in the records, but in the
record of the following meeting we find — 'Voted that the
advice that Weston Hicks, Esquire, gave the town at the
Town Meeting in April last. Respecting Refugees, Toryes
and persons Disafected to the Present Government, was
good and wholesome and tended to preserving of peace
and good Order in the Town and the abovesaid meeting,
and was Delivered by said Hicks in a Manner becoming a
good Politician and a friend to his country and a Christian."
Probably one of the most peculiar records to be found
in any town is in our scrap book in the Town Clerk's office.
No one knows how it ever got in with the town papers, but
there it is and no doubt will remain forever. It is entitled
"A list of my fitts, to be given to my husband after I am
gone," Then follows a long list of dates with the notation
"I had a fitt" or "I had two fitts." This goes on for several
years, and finally in a different handwriting is the fact
that on that date, the writer of the list, "died in a htt."
LIST OF MEMBERS
27
List of Active Members of the Rhode Island
Historical Society
DECEMBER 1938
Mr. Frederick W. Aldred
Mr. Edward K. Aldrich, Jr.
Miss Lucv T. Aldrich
Hon. Richard S. Aldrich
Mr. Stuart M. Aldrich
Mr. Devere Allen
Mr. Philip Allen
Miss Ada Almy
Mrs. Everard x^ppleton
Miss Marguerite Appleton
Mr. Arthur H. Armington
Miss Maude E. i\rmstrong
Mrs. Edward E. Arnold
Mr. Frederick W. Arnold
Miss Mittie Arnold
Mr. James H. Arthur
Mr. Donald S. Babcock
Mr. J. Earle Bacon
Mr. Albert A. Baker
Mrs. Charles K. Baker
Mr. Harvev A. Baker
Mrs. Horton Baker
Mr. J. Willard Baker
Miss Mary H. Balch
Mrs. Sarah Minchin Barker
Miss Sarah Dyer Barnes
Mr. Fred H. Barrows
Mr. Earl G. Batty
Miss Marjorie L. Bean
Mrs. Daniel Beckwith
Mr. Henry L. P. Beckwith
Mr. Frederic N. Beede
Mr. Herbert G. Beede
Mrs. Herbert G. Beede
Mr. Robert J. Beede
Mr. Horace G. Belcher
Mr. Charles P. Benns
Mrs. Charles P. Benns
Mr. Bruce M. Bigelow
Mr. George E. Bixby
Capt. William P. Blair
Mr. Zenas W. Bliss
G. Alder Blumer, M.D.
Mr. J. J. Bodell
Mr. Amos M. Bowcn
Mr. Richard LeB. Bowen
Rev. Arthur H. Bradford
Mr. Claude R. Branch
Rabbi William G. Braude
Miss Alice Brayton
Miss Susan S. Brayton
Dr. R. G. Bressler
Mr. Carl Bridenbaugh
Miss Ida F. Bridgham
Mrs. William E. Brigham
Miss Eva St. C. Brightman
Mrs. Clarence A. Brouwer
Mr. Clarence Irving Brown
Mr. Cyrus P. Brown
Mr. Frank Hail Brown
Mr. John Nicholas Brown
Madelaine R. Brown, M.D.
Mr. Wilbur D. Brown
Capt. Ernest Henry Brownell
Miss Madeleine M. Bubier
Mr. Harris H. Bucklin
Mr. Edward J. C. Bullock
Mr. Mortimer L. Burbank
Mr. Edwin A. Burlingame
A. T. Butler, Esq.
28
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Col. G. Edward Buxton
Mrs. S. H. Cabot
Mrs. Edwin A. Cady
Mr. John H. Cady
Mrs. Charles A. Calder
Frank T. Calef, M.D.
Mrs. W. R. Callender
Mrs. Wallace Campbell
Mr. Thomas B. Card
Mrs. George W. Carr
Mrs. Marion P. Carter
Miss Anna H. Chace
Mr. Malcolm G. Chace
Mrs. Everitte S. Chaffee
Prof. Robert F. Chambers
Mr. Arthur D. Champlin
Mr. George B. Champlin
Miss Anna Chapin
Charles V. Chapin, M.D.
Mrs. Charles V. Chapin
Mr. Howard M. Chapin
Mr. Frederic L. Chase
Mr. Albert W. Claflin
Mrs. Edward S. Clark
Prof. Theodore Collier
Mrs. Clarkson A. Collins, Jr.
Mr. James C. Collins
Mrs. Mabel B. Comstock
Mrs. Charles D. Cook
Mr. Albert B. Coulters
Prof. \'erner W. Crane
Mr. Frank H. Cranston
George H. Crooker, M.D.
Mr. Harry Parsons Cross
Frank Anthony Cummings, M.D.
Mrs. Frank Anthony Cummings
Mr. Arthur Cushing
Prof. S. Foster Damon
Murray S. Danforth, M.D.
Mrs. Murray S. Danforth
Mr. William C. Dart
Mr. Foster B. Davis
Miss Marv Elliott Davis
Mrs. R. C. Davis
Prof. Edmund B. Delabarre
Mr. Paul C. DeWolf
Miss Alice S. Dexter
Miss Eunice W. Dexter
Mrs. Leroy E. Dickinson
Mr. Walter Frederick Dickinson
Miss Louise Diman
John E. Donley, M.D.
Mr. Louis W. Downes
Mrs. Louis W. Downes
Mrs. G. E. Downing
Mr. Robert T. Downs
Mrs. Charles E. Dudley
Miss Dorothy D. Dunlop
Mr. Henry A. DuVillard
Miss Margarethe L. Dwight
Miss Anna Jones Dyer
Col. H. Anthony Dyer
Mr. Charles G. Easton
Mr. Frederick W. Easton
Mr. Cyrus T. Eddy
Miss Isabel Eddy
Mrs. William Holden Eddy
Miss Harriet C. Edmonds
Mrs. Seeber Edwards
Mr. Walter Angell Edwards
Mr. Zenas H. Ellis
Mr. William Ely
Miss Mabel W. Ennis
Mr. William Wood Estes
Mrs. William Wood Estes
Mr. Charles W. Farnham
Mr. Royal Bailey Farnum
Mr. Walter F. Farrell
Mr. Augustus H. Fiske
Mrs. Charles Fletcher
Mr. Elliot Flint
Mr. Allan Forbes
Mr. Hovey T. Freeman
Hon. Joseph W. Freeman
Hon. G. Frederick Frost
Mr. R. Clinton Fuller
Frank T. Fulton, M.D.
Hon. Joseph H. Gainer
Mr. William Gammell
LIST OF MEMBERS
29
Mr. William Gammell, Jr.
Miss Abbie P. Gardner
Mrs. George Warren Gardner
Prof. Henry B. Gardner
Mrs. John T. Gardner
Mr. Preston Hicks Gardner
Mr. Daniel F. George
Mrs. Louis C. Gerry
Hon. Peter G. Gerry
Mrs. Peter G. Gerry
Mr. Robert H. I. Goddard
Rabbi Israel M. Goldman
Mr. George T. Gorton
Mr. Harry Hale Goss
Mrs. Richard Rathborne Graham
Mr. Eugene S. Graves
Mrs. Eugene S. Graves
Miss Eleanor B. Green
Hon. Theodore Francis Green
Mr. Denison W. Greene
Mrs. Joseph Warren Greene, Jr.
Mr. Thomas C. Greene
Mr. Ralph M. Greenlaw
Mr. William B. Greenough
Mr. Russell Grinnell
Mr. E. Tudor Gross
Mr. R. F. Haifenreffer
Miss Annette Mason Ham
Mrs. Livingston Ham
Mrs. Albert G. Harkness
Mr. Benjamin P. Harris
Mr. Edwin Harris
Miss Mary A. Harris
Mrs. Thomas Harris
Mr. Everett S. Hartwell
N. Darrell Harvey, M.D.
Mr. William A. Hathaway
Miss Caroline Hazard
Mr. Thomas G. Hazard, Jr.
Mr. Charles F. Heartman
Mrs. W. E. Heathcote
Mr. Coles Hegeman
Prof. James B. Hedges
Mr. Bernon E. Helme
Mr. Joseph G. Henshaw
Mr. Robert W. Herrick
Mr. G. Burton Hibbert
Mr. William A. Hill
Mr. Frank L. Hincklev
Mr. Richard A. Hoffman
Mrs. William H. Hoffman
Mrs. John S. Holbrook
Mr. George J. Holden
Mrs. John W. Holton
Mrs. Albert Horton
Mr. Charles A. Horton
Mr. M. A. DeWolfe Howe
Mr. Wallis E. Howe
Mrs. William Erwin Hov
Mrs. George H. Huddy,' Jr.
Mr. Sidney D. Humphrey
Mr. S. Foster Hunt
Mr. Richard A. Hurley
Mr. James H. Hvde
Mrs. C. Oliver Is'elin
Mr. Norman M. Isham
Miss Mary A. Jack
Mrs. Donald Eldredge Jackson
Mrs. Edward P. Jastram
Mr. Thomas A. fenckes
Mrs. Edward L. Johnson
Mr. William C. Johnson
Mr. Llewellyn W. Jones
Dr. Lewis H. Kalloch
Mr. Francis B. Keenev
Mr. Charles A. Keller
Mr. Howard R. Kent
Mr. Charles H. Keves
Mr. H. Earle Kimball
Lucius C. Kingman, M.D.
Miss Adelaide Knight
Mr. C. Prescott Knight, Jr.
Mr. Robert L. Knight
Mrs. Robert L. Knight
Mr. Russell W. Knight
Mrs. Dana Lawrence
Miss Grace F. Leonard
Mrs. Austin T. Lew
Mr. Dexter L. Lewis
Mr. Charles Warren Lippitt
30
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mrs. Frances Pomeroy Lippitt
Mr. Gorton T. Lippitt
Mr. Arthur B. Lisle
Mrs. Arthur B. Lisle
Mr. Charles W. Littlefield
Mr. Ivory Littlefield
Rev. Augustus M. Lord
Mr. T. Robley Louttit
Mr. W. Easton Louttit, Jr.
Mr. David B. Lovell, Jr.'
Mr. Albert E. Lownes
Mr. Harold C. Lvman
Mr. Richard E. Lyman
Mr. George R. McAuslan
Mr. William A. McAuslan
Mrs. William A. McAuslan
Mr. Norman A. MacColl
Mr. William B. MacColl
Mr. Arthur M. McCrillis
Miss Grace E. Macdonald
Mr. Benjamin M. MacDougall
Miss Muriel McFee
Mr. Charles B. Mackinney
Mr. Ralph A. McLeod
Mr. Wayne McNally
Mrs. Herbert E. Maine
Mrs. William L. Manchester
Mr. Charles C. Marshall
Mr. Edgar W. Martin
Mrs. John F. Marvel
Mr. Harold Mason
Mr. John H. Mason
Mr. Archibald C. Matteson
Mr. William L. Mauran
Mrs. William L. Mauran
Mrs. Frank Everitt Maxwell
Mr. Harry V. Mayo
Mr. W. Granville Meader
Mrs. Charles H. Merriman
Mrs. E. Bruce Merriman
Mr. Harold T. Merriman
Mrs. L B. Merriman
Mrs. E. T. H. Metcalf
Mr. G. Pierce Metcalf
Mr. Houghton P. Metcalf
Mrs. L Harris Metcalf
Hon. Jesse H. Metcalf
Mrs. Jesse H. Metcalf
Mr. Stephen O. Metcalf
Mr. William Davis Miller
Mrs. William Davis Miller
Mr. George L. Miner
Mr. Marshall Morgan
Mr. George A. Moriarty, Jr.
Mrs. William Robert Morrison
Mrs. Bentley W. Morse
Mr. Jarvis M. Morse
Mr. Edward S. Moulton
Mrs. Edward S. Moulton
William M. Muncy, M.D.
Walter L. Munro, M.D.
Hon. Addison P. Munroe
Mrs. Addison P. Munroe
Mr. Walter M. Murdie
Mr. George P. Newell
Miss Eliza Taft Newton
Mr. Roger Hale Newton
Mr. Paul C. Nicholson
Col. Samuel M. Nicholson
Mrs. Raymond M. Nickerson
Ira Hart Noyes, M.D.
Miss Mary Olcott
Mrs. Frank F. Olnev
Mr. Harald W. Ost'by
Mr. G. Richmond Parsons
Mrs. G. Richmond Parsons
Miss Mary H. Parsons
Mr. Frederick S. Peck
Mrs. Frederick S. Peck
Mr. Horace M. Peck
Mr. Stephen I. Peck
Mr. William H. Peck
Mr. William T. Peck
Mrs. F. H. Peckham
Katherine F. Peckham, M.D.
Mr. Clarence E. Peirce
Mr. John P. B. Peirce
Mr. Charles M. Perry
Mr. Howard B. Perry
John M. Peters, M.I3.
LIST OF MEMBERS
31
Mr. Arthur L. Philbrick
Mr. Charles H. Philbrick
Mr. Alexander Van Cleve Phillips
Mr. Arthur S. Phillips
Mrs. Frank Nichols Phillips
Mr. Thomas L. Pierce
Mr. Albert H. Poland
Prof. Albert K. Potter
Dr. Arthur M. Potter
Mrs. Dexter B. Potter
Mrs. Thomas I. Hare Powel
Miss Ethelyn Irene Pray
Mrs. Howard W. Preston
Mr. Robert Spencer Preston
Miss Evelyn M. Purdy
Helen C. Putnam, M.D.
Mr. Patrick H. Quinn
Mrs. George R. Ramsbottom
Mrs. C. K. Rathbone
Hon. Elmer J. Rathbun
Mrs. Irving E. Raymond
Mr. Charles C. Remington
Mr. R. Foster Remolds
Mr. Dana Rice
Mr. Herbert W. Rice
Mrs. Herbert W. Rice
Mr. Henry Isaac Richmond
Mrs. Fred Robinson
Mr. Robert Rodman
Mr. William Greene Roelker
Mr. Kenneth Shaw Safe
Mrs. Harold P. Salisbury
Mrs. G. Coburn Sanctuary
Mrs. George C. Scott
Mrs. David Sands Seaman
Mr. Henrv M. Sessions
Miss Ellen D. Sharpe
Mr. Henrv D. Sharpe
Eliot A. Shaw, M.D.
Mrs. Frederick E. Shaw
Mrs. Philip C. Sheldon
Mr. Robert F. Shepard
Mr. Clarence E. Sherman
Mr. Harry B. Sherman
Mrs. Arthur F. Short
Mrs. Charles Sisson
Mrs. Byron N. H. Smith
Mrs. Charles H. Smith
Mrs. Edwin C. Smith
Mr. Howard B. Smith
Joseph Smith, M.D.
Hon. Nathaniel W. Smith
R. Morton Smith, M.D.
Mr. Walter B. Smith
Mr. Ward E. Smith
Miss Hattie O. E. Spaulding
Hon. Ernest L. Sprague
Mrs. James G. Staton
Hon. Charles F. Stearns
Mr. Thomas E. Steere
Miss Maud Lyman Stevens
Mr. Edward Clinton Stiness
Mr. Charles C. Stover
Mrs. Charles C. Stover
Mr. Charles T. Straight
Mr. Henry A. Street
Mr. Frank H. Swan
Hon. John W. Sweeney
Dr. Walter I. Sweet
Mrs. Walter I. Sweet
Miss Louisa A. Sweetland
Mr. Roval C. Taft
Prof. Will S. Taylor
Mrs. J. P. Thorndike
Louisa Paine Tingley, M.D.
Mr. F. L. Titsworth
Mrs. William O. Todd
Mrs. Stacy Tolman
Mr. William J. Tully
Mr. George R. L^rquhart
Hon. William H. Vanderbilt
Mr. William A. Viall
Mrs. Helen C. \'ose
Mrs. Arthur M. Walker
Mr. A. Tingley Wall
Mrs. Maurice K. Washburn
Mr. Slater Washburn
Mr. Frank E. Waterman
Mrs. Lewis A. Waterman
32
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Prof. Arthur E. Watson
Col. Byron S. Watson
Mr. John J. Watson
Mr. W. L. Watson
Mrs. William B. Weeden
Mr. Richard Ward Greene Welling
Mr. John H. Wells
Mr. Philip C. Wentworth
Mrs. Philip C. Wentworth
Mr. Edward H. West
Mrs. Frank Williams Westcott
Mrs. Elizabeth N. White
Mr. Willis H. White
Mrs. Henry A. Whitmarsh
Mr. Frederick Bernays Wiener
Mr. Frank J. Wilder
Mr. Daniel L. Willmarth, Jr.
Miss Amey L. Willson
Mr. William A. Wing
Mr. Wilson G. Wing
Mrs. George P. Winship
Rev. William Worthington
Mr. Nathan M. Wright
Mrs. Sydney L. Wright, Jr.
Dr. Henry M. Wriston
Mr. Lawrence C. Wroth
Mr. Frederick W. York
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest
Mrs. Vera B. Hanson of Cranston has presented to the
Society a typewritten genealogy of the family of John Irish
many of whose descendants lived in Rhode Island.
First Presbyterian Church, Newport, R. I., 1888-1938,
Fifty Years of History, is a pamphlet of 65 pages.
The Old Fall River Line by Roger W. McAdams is a
volume of 190 pages.
Dorr Pamphlet No. 2, The Constitutional Convention
That Never Met by Zechariah Chafee, Jr., is a pamphlet
of 88 pages, published by the Booke Shop, Providence.
The Hero of Aquidneck, A Life of Dr. John Clarke
by Wilbur Nelson, is a volume of 95 pages.
Cities in the Wilderness, including a study of colonial
Newport, by Carl Bridenbaugh, was issued in December.
A Record of William Coddington, Esquire, by Elizabeth
Nicholson White is a pamphlet of 24 pages.
Notes
Mrs. Philip C. Wentworth has been elected to member-
ship in the Society.
*«
Rhode Island
Historical Society
?-> 1"''
U\ Wi
C O L L E C T I O rf S . „ ,„ .
. RPN iV I9j.
H5=
Vol. XXXII
APRIL, 1939 ^oo,J^e-ogj^^
^'
FKAXCIS WAVLAND
Issued Quarterly
From Portrait in Sayles Hall
68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island
CONTENTS
PAGE
Francis Wayland
by William Greene Roelker . . . 33
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 56
Notes ........ 56
Lawrance Langworthy, Pewterer
by Madelaine R. Brown . . . . 56
Treasurer's Report . . . . . . 61
RHODE '^¥^ ISLAND
HISTORICAL \^^^^ SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XXXII APRIL, 1939 No. 2
Harry Parsons Cross, President Robert T. Downs, Treasurer
William Davis Miller, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
Francis Wayland
1796- 1865
President of Brown University and
Citizen of Providence
By William Greene Roelker*
The history of Providence during the thirty-eight years
of Francis Wayland's residence shows that he was not only
a successful president of Brown but a leading citizen.
As President of the University (1827-1855) he raised
the standard of teaching to a high plane^ and materially
developed Brown's resources. His own rise from humble
circumstances had strengthened his belief in the right of
every man to an equal opportunity in the business world,
before the law, and in the halls of education. His whole
*A paper read before the Rhode Island Historical Society.
^ Justice Joseph Story of the Harvard law faculty said "that he could
at once distinguish a graduate of Brown University by the facility with
which he was able to analyze a lecture or a legal argument." Francis and
H. L. Wayland, A Memoir of the Lije and Labors of Francis Wayland
(N. Y., 1867), I, 236. Unless otherwise indicated quotations will be
from the Memoir.
34 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
philosophy of life was expressed in his motto, "I go for the
human race."
Liberty and knowledge, in the opinion of the day, were
necessary for the success and preservation of American
democracy. Wayland took a more advanced position. In
this he differed from Jeiferson, Ticknor and Eliot, other
proponents of the elective system. They were primarily
interested in providing the best quality of education for
students, — few or many, — who came to Virginia or Harv-
ard seeking the higher learning. Wayland believed that
each individual student should have the opportunity of
pursuing such studies as would be of the greatest advan-
tage to him in the course of life which he chose.
In pursuit of his ideal, Wayland initiated an elective
system at Brown (1850), so arranged, that "every student
might study what he chose, all that he chose, and nothing
but what he chose."' This experiment started a controversy
which has taken on new life in the present era of changing
concepts about democracy and education. Whether the final
judgment of Wayland will be that of Charles William
Eliot, that he deserved a high place among the founders
of the elective system, or that of Samuel Eliot Morison,
who believes that Wayland's educational writings in favor
of the addition of vocational training to the curriculum
produced more mischief than any other tracts in the history
of American education, it remains true that the fearless and
self reliant thinking of Wayland precipitated an agitation
which resulted in far-reaching educational modifications."*
In a period when American education was undergoing a
drastic change of form, he was, at least in the opinion of
Dr. Thwing, one of the few college presidents who could
also be called an educator.*
- Re fort to the Corforation of Broun Uniz'ersity, 1850 (Providence,
1850), 51.
^ James Burrill Angcll, "Founder's Dav at Chicago," Selected Addresses
(N. v., 1912), 132.
■* Charles F. Thwing, .4 History of Higher E duration in America
(N. Y., 1906), 316.
FRANCIS WAYLAND . 35
From the day of his arrival in Providence, Wayland
identified himself with every enterprise which sought to
promote the prosperity and sound morals of the community.
He was a good citizen. He was chairman of the committee
which reorganized the public schools ( 1828), an original
trustee of Butler Hospital ( 1 844-64 ), an organizer of the
Rhode Island Hospital (1863), a founder of the Provi-
dence Dispensary (1829), active in prison reform, and in
peace and temperance movements. In every public enter-
prise Wayland's "presence was felt as no other man's was.
All waited to hear the utterances of his voice," said Dr.
Caswell. "It may justly be said that he stood among us
as the first citizen of Rhode Island."
Francis Wayland was born in New York City ( 1796)
three years after his father emigrated from Fromme,
Somerset, England. Francis Senior, a successful currier,
quickly allied himself with a group of Baptists, who en-
couraged him to give up business to devote himself to the
unremunerative life of a traveling preacher. Francis re-
ceived his early education from his mother. She inspired
him with an abhorrence of religious intolerance which
characterized his whole life. Before entering Union College
(Schenectady) as a sophomore (1811), he was a pupil of
Daniel H. Barnes, one of the few real teachers of the
time. Wayland minimized his college achievements. Yet
Eliphalet Nott, President for sixty-two years (1804-66)
continued to show an interest in him which was justified by
his successful career. For the next three years he continued
a stimulating association with Dr. Eli Burritt of Troy,
under whose guidance he received the medical instruction
which enabled him to obtain a license to practice (1816).
Up to this time Wayland had shown little interest in reli-
gious matters^ but the evangelical atmosphere of his sur-
roundings almost demanded of every individual a religious
experience, leading to a "conversion" as the prerequisite
to baptism and admission to church membership. A revival
conducted by the Rev. Luther Rice (Troy, 1816) was the
36 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
occasion of Wayland's conversion. His call to the religious
life was so strong that he immediately gave up medicine
and entered Andover Theological Seminary.
Wayland never forgot the grinding poverty of his year
at Andover. Nevertheless, he felt more than compensated
by the intellectual inspiration and training which he re-
ceived from Moses Stuart (Yale 1799) Professor of the
Sacred Languages. Stuart taught him to reason and to study
and by example confirmed hiin in the habit of appealing
directly to his Maker for spiritual guidance. At the end
of the term Wayland was saved from a desperate situation
by an appointment as tutor at Union College. For the next
four years he learned from Dr. Nott the unique teaching
methods and principles of college administration which had
placed Union in the vanguard of the colleges.
Encouraged by Dr. Nott, himself a famous preacher,
who assisted him in the preparation of his sermons, and
further stimulated by another revival conducted by the
Rev. Asahel Nettleton, Wayland looked forward to the
day when he would have a church of his own. An oppor-
tunity to preach in Boston led to an invitation to become the
pastor of the First Baptist Church there. It was not an
ideal situation, but Dr. Nott and Moses Stuart prevailed
upon him to accept, since it would bring him nearer to
Brown University, then the center of Baptist activities.
His pastorate was not entirely successful j the church
did not prosper and the intellectual character of his ser-
mons was unsuited to the congregation. But Wayland
achieved a great personal success j the sermon on the Moral
Dignity of the Missionary Enterprise (1823) made him a
national figure among the Baptists. Delivered at a time
of great interest in foreign missions, it ran through many
editions. In spite of his growing fame, or perhaps because
of it, he resigned from his church to accept the Professor-
ship of Natural Philosophy and Mathematics at Union
College. Just at this time President Asa Messer was forced
FRANCIS WAYLAND Z7
to resign from Brown University and Wayland immediately
became the leading candidate for the position.
All of Wayland's experience had prepared him for the
position of college president. Moses Stuart had subjected
him to severe intellectual training j Eliphalet Nott had
given him practical schooling in the art of teaching and in
educational administration j five years in the pulpit had
made him a powerful speaker. As a teacher he was simply
a cog in another man's machine; as a preacher he did not
have the control of his congregation which his administra-
tive talent demanded; as President he could put into prac-
tice his theories of education. The opportunity came.
Wayland accepted. He was duly elected President of
Brown University, December 1826.
The conditions at Brown were typical of the colleges of
the day. Wayland's description is frequently quoted. "The
condition of the college was not encouraging. The number
of students was small. Discipline had been neglected.
Difficulties had arisen between the president and the trus-
tees, and between the president and some members of the
faculty. In point of fact the college had not a high reputa-
tion in the community, and probably did not deserve it."
His sons wrote, "It is clearly evident that Dr. Wayland
had a distinct and clearly defined idea of what a college
should be and could be made, and he did not delay an
instant to apply to his theory the test of practice. . . . There
was no mild and moderate transition from lax discipline
and unchecked license to strict enforcement of law. The
reform was instant and radical. President Wayland had
not been in ofiice twenty-four hours before it was apparent
to everybody that a new regime was already instituted."
W^ayland made new college laws, "But the soul of the
new regime was not a code but a man — intense, fearless,
strong in intellect and will. The influence upon the students
was tremendous. He had a vast amount of power in him,
made eifective by passion, wit, and a gift of trenchant
38 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
speech. . . ."' His first reforms were designed to render
Study not a sham but a reality and discipline not a form
but a fact.
The phrase "born teacher" is almost a synonym for
Wayland. Up to this time a recitation system prevailed j
the student was given a definite problem which he com-
mitted to memory or a passage to translate which he recited
to the teacher. There was no attempt at reasoning, no dis-
cussion and review in classy the pupil was expected to
depend on his memory alone.
One of the instructors of this period was accustomed to
have the text book open before him, and as the student
recited, to move his finger along the lines, striving to keep
pace with the progress of the pupil. From time to time, as
the recitation of the student outstripped the reading of the
professor, he would look up — keeping his finger at the
point which had been reached — and say, in a tone of mild
reproof, "Not so fastj not quite so fast." With the passage
of the years a certain rate of progress was established and
it came to be an unwritten law that neither student nor
teacher would attempt to accelerate it.
Wayland introduced an entirely new system at Brown,
one which he had learned from Eliphalet Nott at Union
College. The first principle of the Wayland method is to
^Walter C. Bronson, .4 History of Bro-uu University, 1764-1914
(Providence, 1914), 206.
"None hut those who witnessed the changes he wrought can fully
appreciate what he did for the college in its standard of scholarship,
in the tone of its discipline, in the increase in means of instruction,
and in the self sacrificing spirit which he infused alike into its instruc-
tors and its more immediate guardians. . . . He did not care
especially to make the college popular, but he labored most earnestly
to render it a school of thorough discipline and of sound education
... he displayed an ability and devotion that awakened universal
admiration. The benefactors and friends of the institution took new
courage, and the merchants of Providence stirred by his appeals on
the true usage of wealth, began their contributions for its advance-
ment." Obituary notice by Prof. Gammell, Nezv York Examiner
and Chronicle.
FRANCIS WAYLAND 39
make the pupil understand the subject. To accomplish
this, the student is required to make out an analysis or
skeleton during study hour. In class he is expected to
commence and, without assistance, proceed as long as may
be required. In preparing in this manner the student
is obliged to make himself master of the subject. He can
lay aside the book and complete the train of thought in his
own words. The object of an education is not, as many
parents seem to believe, to get a student through college by
going over a certain number of books, but to impart knowl-
edge which shall be remembered, and to increase the in-
tellectual capacity of the pupil by habitually calling into
exercise as many of his powers and faculties as the circum-
stances of the case will permit. This will most certainly be
attained by uniting the view of the whole subject with
perfectly free discussions in the class room. Wayland's
whole teaching creed may be summed up in his statement,
"To hear a scholar say a lesson is not to educate him. He
who is not able to leave his mark upon a pupil never ought
to have one."
Wayland had great success as a teacher. Judge B. F.
Thomas '34 said, "Others may speak and think of the writer
and scholar, my tribute is to the great teacher; . . . one
who has the rarer faculty of drawing out and developing
the mind of another, and making him work for himself.
Rarest of all God's gifts to men." Silas Bailey '34 wrote,
"His progress through either of his favorite sciences was
that of a prince through his own dominions." C. F. Thurber
'27 wrote, "The new system was the exact antipode of that
which it displaced. It was in harmony with the spirit of the
age, and yet sufficiently original to be called 'Wayland's'. "
In addition to his duties as teacher, every college presi-
dent was called upon for a continual round of preaching,
public speaking, visiting the sick and attending funerals.
His most important duty was to secure the funds to finance
his educational program. When Wayland came to Brown
there were two buildings. University Hall and Hope Col-
40 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
ItgG. Largely through the gifts of Nicholas Brown , he
secured the erection of Manning Hall (1835) as a chapel
and library, Rhode Island Hall (1840), for the depart-
ments of Natural Philosophy, Chemistry, etc., a mansion
house for the president, and the beautiiication of the college
grounds.
Charles F. Thurber '27 reported that the library "was
kept in one of the projection rooms in University Hall,
and was almost a terra incog^nita to many of the students."
Hon. Charles Evans Hughes '81 quotes Wayland as say-
ing, "the library consisted of books 'old, few and miscella-
neous — such in general, as had been gleamed by solicita-
tion from private libraries, where they were considered
as of no value.' '"
Wayland immediately began the improvement of the
library by devoting certain college fees to the purchase of
books. The corporation voted ( 1831 ) to raise the sum of
$25,000, the income only to be used to acquire books and
philosophical apparatus. He was able to report to the cor-
poration fourteen years later, a library of 20,000 volumes
which in 1849 had grown to 30,000. Wayland had an
Interest in libraries generally j he was one of the founders
of the Providence Athenaeum, dedicated by him July 1 1 ,
1838 and it was his offer to the Town of Wayland ( Mass. )
of a gift of $500, provided a similar amount was raised by
*' Nicholas Brown, the most influential trustee, and patron of the college,
was a strong supporter of Wa\land. When Wayland's nomination was
being considered, Brown wrote him at Schenectady, "Should they [the
Corporation] flatter me with the opportunit\' of making the nomination
of him on whom their minds are so universally agreed, it will prove
highly gratifying. And 1 shall take the liberty of using the name of the
late Pastor of the First Baptist Church in Boston to which there will not
be a dissenting voice." Letter from Nicholas Brown, Providence, R. I.,
to the Reverend and Mr. Francis Wa\'land, Jr., Oct. 13,1 826, in Brown
University Archives.
' The Sesqui-Cenfefinial of Bro':c/i University 1764-19 1 4 (Prov-
idence, 1915), 181.
FRANCIS WAYLAND 41
the people, which led to the starting of the Massachusetts
free library system.^
Within a year of his coming to Providence Wayland
was made chairman of a committee to consider the public
school system. The report, written by Wayland, stated as
its basic principle that if money is contributed by every
citizen, the school system should be so arranged that every
contributor should have an equal share of that instruction
which "he assists to maintain."'' At this point, he asks a
significant question, "Is not education a commodity which
all classes want?" Why not then furnish it of such quality
that all may enjoy it together? By furnishing valuable
courses of public instruction the rich will enjoy its advan-
tages and surely it cannot injure the middle classes or the
poor. It is plain that his mind was even then working along
the lines of a utilitarian education for all men according to
their desires j a classical education for the men who wished
to enter a profession, and a practical education for those
who wished to equip themselves for a practical life. He was
developing an educational philosophy which led him to say
(1856 ), "We do well to revere the genius of Milton, Dante
or Goethe. But there is talent in a cotton mill as well as in
an epic."^'^
Busy as he was with university duties and civic activities
and saddened by the death of his wife, Wayland found time
to write. The Elements of Moral Science (1835) was de-
signed to take the place in the schools and colleges of the
works of William Paley which were unsatisfactory to Way-
land because of their extreme utilitarianism. His success in
striking a new note is shown by the comment of a friend:
^ "From this law, and from the action of Dr. Wayland which gave rise
to it, have sprung the magnificent free libraries which now enrich Boston,
Worcester, . . . . " Editorial, Boston Transcript, July 8, 1916.
^ F. Wayland, Chairman, "Report of Committee on Public Schools,
April 1828," Barnard's American Journal of Education, July 1828, III,
386-388.
^^'^ Address to Free Academy, (Norwich, Conn., 1856).
42 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
"I give thanks to God, that I see nothing in you of that
parleying with the world which is so fatal to Paley." The
Moral Science was a success, reaching a circulation of over
one hundred thousand copies. It was republished in Eng-
land and translated into Sgau Karen, a language of southern
Burma (1885).
The Elements of Political Economy (1837) never
achieved the popularity of the Moral Science^ probably
because is was concerned with more controversial subjects.
Wayland had the courage to advocate free trade, although
Rhode Island in general and his trustees in particular, were
the favored beneficiaries of the protective tariff.
Wayland was tired in the Spring of 1 840 and with good
reason. He went abroad in the summer to recuperate and
to study European methods of education. His health pre-
vented his going to Germany or Italy and he did not accom-
plish all that he hoped. But his trip had one very important
effect j it made him "more doggedly a Democrat and a
Puritan." Much that he saw seemed to him like a puppet
show, even the burial of Napoleon's remains in the Hotel
des Invalides, — and he was a great admirer of Napoleon.
Versailles gave him an impression of "royal magnificence,"
the gardens most of all, "But the whole cost . . . forty
millions sterling. This sum would have constructed thir-
teen canals each as expensive as the Erie Canal, and would
before this time have doubled or trebled the wealth of
France."
He did not think much of the French, "All my dealing
with them has shown me more and more their disposition
to lying and dishonesty. . . . They treat Americans better
than they do Englishmen. The one they cheat kindly, the
other surlily but both are considered, I think, in the nature
of victims." Of which remark J. R. Dennet wrote, "One
would almost think him a Frenchman describing New
York."^^
1' The Nation, X November 28, 1867, 430.
FRANCIS WAYLAND 43
Wayland was away from familiar surroundings for the
first time and the strangeness of everything emphasized his
opinion "that Americans know not their own mercies." All
the pomp and show, — he stood in a gallery while the royal
cortege and the peers and peeresses passed on their way to
the opening of Parliament by Queen Victoria — brought
out the innate Puritan in him. "I love simple manners,
simple tastes, a simple government, which has very little to
do, which leaves everything possible to be done by the in-
dividual, and which stimulates talent of every kind, not by
patronage, but by giving talent free exercise, and leaving it
to its own resources 5 a government of which the constitution
may remain firm as adamant, while the men who administer
it may be changed every year by the popular will."
In all considerations of Wayland's reactions to Europe it
must be remembered that he came from plain stock and that
he was a Baptist. "We are a muidling-interest people," he
said, "and there is no better interest. It is most absurd
for us to aim at the aristocracy j they do not want our kind
of religion." Although Wayland was the leading Baptist
of his day he held fast to the nonsectarian policy on which
Brown was founded. He once said in chapel, "In address-
ing you, I am of no sect."
Wayland was a democrat, — - spelled with a small d.
Every class division, every evidence of control by govern-
ment which imposed on the rights of the individual was
contrary to that spirit which made him adopt as his watch-
word, "I go for the human race."
With such a creed it is easy to understand his reactions
to Oxford with its beautiful buildings set in lovely grounds.
"It is a place where you would love to dwell," he said.
"But when one reflects on the immense wealth of its estab-
lishment and remembers that this was designed to promote
the prosecution of science and the advancement of learning,
and not for the cultivation of luxurious easej when one
remembers that it was for the education of the people of
England, and not a part of them, and that it is now used for
44 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
the good of a part, and is the avenue to all social and pro-
fessional standing, I cannot think of it with unmixed respect.
It seems to me a monstrous perversion. ... I do not speak
of the present incumbents . . . but of the system. Of this 1
cannot speak in terms of too great disapprobation. It seemed
to me to be cultivating narrowness rather than expansiveness
of mind, and to be conferring rather a fragment of education
than an enlarged view of human knowledge."
Wayland was resentful of such a system, one which
denied his fundamental belief in the equal rights of man.
All of his inborn democratic instincts cried out against any
such limitation and forced him to the proclamation of the
keystone principle of his creed: "No man can be denied
the right to such an education as he may choose." Democ-
racy supposes that the object of society is simple, that it is
to confirm every man in the enjoyment of all the innocent
results of the use of his faculties. Beyond this, democratic
society does not interfere. It leaves the individual to work
out his own destiny j every man is the architect of his own
fortunes j to such a man knowledge is a matter of imperative
necessity.^'
Sixty years later Charles Evans Hughes thus described
Wayland's position: "To Wayland's prophetic eye the
educational scheme of the time appeared far from satis-
factory. He had the vision of democracy and of its educa-
tional as well as spiritual needs. He had little patience
with the fetters of the old curriculum, and was not content
with such advance as had been made in enlarging the scope
of college work. . . ."^^
On his return from Europe Wayland attempted to in-
troduce the system of free electives which he had been
nursing in his mind for many years. At first he had high
hopes of success. The trustees went through the motions
of appointing committees to study his recommendations.
^'' Education Demanded by the Peofle of the United States (Schenec-
tady, 1 854), 22.
^^ T he Sesqui-Centefmial oj Brozvn Uniz'ersity, 183.
FRANCIS WAYLAND 45
But as time passed and nothing was done he became dis-
couraged and resigned at Commencement, September 1 849.
He probably did not intend to go through with it, but the
trustees completely surrendered and he agreed to remain
provided he could reorganize the college on his own plan.
A committee was appointed to raise $ 1 25,000, the amount
which he felt would be necessary to carry out his plans, and
in due course the money was secured, though not without
the usual struggle. Another committee, of which Wayland
was chairman, submitted an elaborate plan of reorganiza-
tion, March 8, 1850.
We need not here concern ourselves with the details of
this plan which included the establishment of a law school,
a normal school, an agricultural school, and the payment of
the professors on a fee basis. The important provision was
that every student might study what he chose^ all that he
chose, and nothing but what he chose.
This plan broke wide open the "straitjacket" of the
classical education ^ it established a free elective system
nineteen years before Eliot was elected president of Harv-
ard and a third of a century before he was able to announce
that the plan was effective. It was not original with
Wayland, — Jefferson, Ticknor, and Nott had the same
ideas. It was Wayland's good luck and the good fortune of
the cause of broader education that he had been for twenty-
two years a successful president of Brown University. In
addition he had been for years at the head of every forward
movement in Rhode Island. He was accustomed to lead
and others to follow. Without these advantages, Wayland
never would have been able to institute such radical changes
in an eighty-year old University in a conservative com-
munity like Providence.
^* Limitations of space prevent a complete discussion of the results of
Wayland's experiment. For a brief summary see page 5 3.
46 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
We have briefly reviewed Wayland's career. Let us now
see what kind of man he was. It is not easy to answer that
question directly. The principal sources of material are the
Memoir written by his sons two years after his death, and
various laudatory discourses delivered by intimate friends.
Of the Francis Wayland, by a pupil James O. Murray '50,
Sidney S. Rider wrote, "there appears to be in it nothing
not before known. It is a picture of Wayland in his Sunday
clothes. His was a rugged character in many ways and
would well bear exhibition. Why not give us a look at him
as he was?" We shall try to read between the lines of the
published material, — unfortunately most of the original
correspondence has disappeared, — to attempt to find the
real Wayland.
Let us examine him through the eyes of one who knew
him intimately, his pupil and colleague, later well known
as the President of the University of Michigan, James B.
Angell, Brown '49. "No one could look upon that tall spare
form, which had not then attained the corpulence of later
years, upon that massive forehead, those piercing dark eyes
glancing through the shaggy over-hanging brows, that
prominent nose, and those firm lips, without feeling in-
stinctively that Dr. Wayland was born to command."''
Many observers commented on his striking countenance,
which would have made him "an admirable model for
Jupiter Tonans." His step was elastic, his form erect and
his bearing manly and dignified. His massive frame never
made him slow, "he was more rapid in motion and utterance
than smaller men, as a planet goes swifter than a dart. In
his momentum the velocity was equal to the weight."'" The
spirit which animated him seemed to lift him above every-
thing selfish and mean, he impressed himself on all who
came within the sphere of his influence, and his very appear-
^■' jamcs B. Angell, "The Late President Wayland," Hours at Home,
December 1865, II, 189.
^''' Cyrus Augustus Bartol, "The Good Man," Monthly Religious Mag-
azine, November 1865, XXX1\', 265.
FRANCIS WAYLAND 47
ance gave him an ascendance over others which ensured
their obedience. His influence over young men arose partly
from his magnetic presence, but mainly from that "imperial
spirit corresponding with the external presence, the exist-
ence and power of which everyone perceived who came in
contact with him."'' Through the turgid Victorian elo-
quence of the Rev. Cyrus Augustus Bartol shines a vivid
personality of great force. Many there are who say that no
idea of the man can be gleaned from his writings, that no
summary of his personal characteristics can convey any
adequate picture of him. "What power there is in his very
presence," wrote John L. Diman '51, "defying all descrip-
tion, as the most speaking faces defy the art of the photog-
rapher, what reserved force, sleeping in silent depths till
stirred by great occasion . . . the terrific frown that clouds
his brow, those grand unbidden rushes of emotion that
would sometimes shake his great frame and choke his
utterance . . . ."'" "He was a king by divine anointing,"
said Cyrus A. Bartol — "one of those few whose aspects
drew attention and fixed every eye. From some persons
we know not how, by a sort of elemental energy, a thrill
passes. A slight shudder, half of fear, half of strange
attraction goes through us in their presence. Besides Daniel
Webster I know not who else . . . was so charged for this
galvanic shock . . . the judgment seat, shone in his eyes . . .
nobody could doubt he was President . . . this gift thus
nursed into a virtue was the secret of his extraordinary
success in his administration."
Wayland's magnetism served him well in his hours of
ease. His healthy nature, full of joyousness and genial
impulses showed itself in sparkling wit and quick repartee,
"silver facings on the garment of duty," said his associate
Professor George I. Chace. "Once freed from oflicial
^' BarnartPs American Journal of Education, December 1863, XIII,
775.
1* lohn L. Diman, "The Late President Wayland," Atlantic Motithly,
lanuarv 1868, XXI, 70.
48 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
harness his intercourse with all was marked by geniality of
conversation and manner," wrote William L. Stone, "his
sense of the ludicrous was most keen ... his appreciation of
wit in others was quick and his quiet drollery irresistible."
Wayland did not go often into society, but he had a very
real sense of the social obligations incident to his position
as president. Most of the persons of literary prominence
who visited Providence were invited to his house and it was
his regular practice to gather round him his colleagues and
others who came to consult him in regard to the affairs of
the college. On such occasions, related Professor Gammell,
"his rare social powers showed to great advantage," then
his conversation was brilliant, he called on the vast fund of
anecdotes and stories of which he had such a store as has
"often given celebrity to literary men as 'Table Talkers.' "
Work came first with Wayland; he was in the habit of
saying, "Nothing can stand before days' works." He wrote
of himself, "I am a perfect dray-horse. I am in harness
morning to night and from one year to another and am
never turned out for recreation." As a matter of fact he
preferred to work no matter how much he might say to the
contrary. His wife wrote, "Your brother is well but con-
stantly occupied. . . . He has too much love of work not to
be always busy. He never has any leisure, for if others fail
in the performance of their duties, he supplies the deficiency
by additional labor on his own part." His real feelings
appear in the obvious anger shown in his letter to Dr.
Stowe from London (1841), "I do not think any minister
has any right to spend six months in Europe for the mere
purpose of sight-seeing. All talk about mental improve-
ment is merest fudge, ... if I live to return I shall set my
face against the practice as wicked." This continuing sense
of personal responsibility governed all his actions but he
did not know how to break away. "Were I my own man,
with power to arrange my time for myself, and to throw off
care at intervals, ... I could do twice what I do, and be as
elastic as need be." From a modern point of view this is
FRANCIS WAYLAND 49
merely wishful thinking, for had he the inclination there is
no doubt that he could have made the necessary arrange-
ments with the corporation which gave him such splendid
support.
Gardening, walking, and wood chopping were the only
relaxations he permitted himself. Wayland was a born
gardener, and he was never more happy nor appeared to
better advantage than when among the flowers and vege-
tables which he cultivated with his own hands. His garden
diary and correspondence are very human documents, filled
with such entries as, "Beans picked today, beets in a day or
two" and "I must acknowledge that you beat us in Hubbard
squashes." Like all real gardeners he entertained his friends
by showing them the products of his skill and labor, the first
green peas, the last and most beautiful dahlia j hardly a
visitor left his gate without some trophy pressed on him by
his enthusiastic host. In the winter he sawed wood or took
a walk in the country. He was not a solitary walker, walking
for the joy of itj he always wanted company, choosing for
his companions members of the faculty. "In these walks . . .
he would often do all the talking himself, especially when
accompanied only by his juniors .
5>
During his life and since men have commented on the
freshness of Wayland's mind ; just recently President Wris-
ton who had been reading Thoughts on the Present Col-
legiate System in the United States, spoke of Wayland's
fresh approach to the old problem of education. His sons,
Francis '46 and Heman Lincoln '49, both his pupils, wrote
"perhaps no quality of his mind was more striking than its
freshness. He had no traditional anecdotes handed down
from class to class."
It was not until middle life that Wayland wrote on moral
philosophy and moral science, subjects which he had been
teaching for many years. "When I commenced the under-
taking I attempted to read extensively, but soon found it
50 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
SO difficult to arrive at any definite results in this manner
that the necessities of my situation obliged me to rely upon
my own reflection."^"
The explanation of Wayland's self-dependence lies in
his theory of knowledge. He agreed with Locke that
knowledge of matter came from perception and knowledge
of mind from consciousness. But he believed that the mind
is further endowed with a suggestive power from which
arise intuitive cognitions, occasioned by the ideas of con-
sciousness and perception, but neither produced by them nor
in any sense similar to them.'" These original suggestions,
which are clear and definite, lie at the foundation of all sub-
sequent knowledge. "We know them to be true, without
the intervention of any other media. The intellect with
which we are created vouches for their truth and we cannot
conceive of them to be false. "'"^ In this statement lies the
explanation of an answer made to a student who would not
accept any demonstration of the truth of a certain axiom.
Wayland said, "How do we know it to be true? By our
own innate, inborn, gumption."
Wayland's mind was essentially practical and in his
writings little attention is given to purely speculative ques-
tions. He unfolds and illustrates important truths, which
"in ethics and for the most part in metaphysics," as Pro-
fessor Chace says, "approximate so closely to intuition that
little is needed beyond their exact and clear statement. . . .
The most extended inference to be found in all his writings
is covered by his favorite word 'hence' . . . ."
Wayland's ethics are developed from Bishop Butler's
theory of the conscience and a strict interpretation of the
Scriptures. The conscience, Wayland believed, is an intui-
tive faculty of the mind by which the moral quality of any
^'■' Francis Wayland, The Elements oj Moral Science (Boston, 1835),
Preface, 5.
-° Francis Wavland, The Elements oj Intellectual Philosophy (Boston,
1854), 137.
-^ Ibid., 174.
FRANCIS WAYLAND 51
action is discerned. Every act of man affects the happiness
and rights of another. If the nature of such an action is
candidly considered, its moral quality will be perceived j it
is either right or wrong. The conscience has an impulse and
a subjective affection to do right and to so restrict one's
actions as not to interfere with the happiness of others.
Following the principles of his teacher Moses Stuart,
Wayland placed the Bible at the mast head of his faith.
Professor Chace reports him as saying, "Any doubt con-
cerning Christianity as a pillar of hope would be to me a
greater calamity than the sinking of a continent." Chace
expressed his own opinion that "It was only in the moral
nature of man supplemented by the new forces imported
into it by Christianity that he [Wayland]\ found assured
ground for faith in man's continued progress." He wrote,
"The gospel is radical enough for me," for "the ideas of
revelation are not human but divine ideas, the conceptions
of the infinite God. It seems to me they are not subjects
for human logic and that by applying reason to them we
are led into an absurdity." He stood firmly by the teach-
ings of the Bible and believed the greatest advance of which
man was capable was secured by obedience to "the inspired
wisdom."
Wayland based his daily judgments on God. "He was
pre-eminently a -praying man. He talked with God. To
the last day of my life shall I remember that great frame
bending at my side, and that beseeching voice, and that
importunate pouring forth from the depths of his soul, such
prayer as only he could frame ... he talked with God,"
wrote the Rev. W. McKenzie. Isaac Davis, who traveled
with Wayland in Europe, reported that he tested every
action, saying, "Davis, if Christ were on earth and present
here would he attend this exhibition?"
52 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
"At the top of College Hill Dr. Wayland was ruling with
a rod of iron," writes an old graduate. Wayland acquired a
reputation as a stern disciplinarian and a hard task master.
In his defense it is only fair to quote a contemporary opinion,
"If the rules of labor and conduct which he enforced, were
sometimes deemed unduly severe, they were such as he
prescribed for himself and which he consistently followed."
Congdon '4 1 writes, "He was disobeyed in fear and trem-
bling ... he had a heavy foot for a student's door when it
was not promptly opened after his official knock.""" "The
Reverend and Respected Sir," as Dearth '54 calls him in
his diary, was not always courteous. Attempting to explain
his absence Dearth joined a group of students but "after
answering a few questions he [Wayland] began to walk off
into his office with great coolness and disregard to us under-
graduates. I tried to speak to him; but had to follow him
into his room to say a couple of words, for he wouldn't be
stopped. Characteristic.""' ' "In his last years . . . Wayland
seems to have grown somewhat autocratic and arbitrary,"
Bronson reports President Angell as saying in a personal
interview (Providence 1914) "that he was often imperious
and rough, sometimes unreasonable and unjust j especially
was he jealous of his authority — question that, and he
swelled with anger. Weariness with routine made him more
and more brusque toward the end.""'*
But Wayland had a human side to his nature although
"very few knew the depth of his heart or his genial nature."
Behind the front necessary to his position as president and
under his "Sunday clothes" was just a plain man. (He
sat in the kitchen in his shirt sleeves. It was notorious that
-- C. T. Congdon, Reminiscences of a Journalist (Boston, 1880), 92.
'■^ W. G. Dearth, Praeterita, Journal of Acts and Thoughts, 1 8 54-5 5 ;
October 13, 1854, MS. Brown University Archives.
"* Bronson, of. cit., 247.
FRANCIS WAYLAND 53
he "used tobacco.")"' While on active duty at college he
was obliged to maintain an attitude j when off duty he could
allow the benevolence of his real nature to be seen. He
was a fatherly man, enjoying all the pleasures of parent-
hood j he walked with his sons, he taught them the Bible,
he read them such old favorites as Sandford and Merton,
and Robinson Crusoe^ and he rolled on the floor with
them encouraging "their wild delight when they were
allowed to think they had conquered their father." This
fatherliness he carried into his personal relationship with
the students — out of hours. "Look at him — you would
not wish to encounter his rebuff or his frown. But go to his
study, state your perplexity, not another man of all your
acquaintance would listen more attentively nor help you
more truly and kindly."
* * * *
A writer in the Nation thus characterized Dr. Wayland
at the time of the publication of the Memoir (1867):
"Morally considered, he was a man to be much admired;
admirable rather than very lovable perhaps, but certainly
admirable, doing with all his might every duty which he
thought to be laid upon him. The cause of good education,
of good morals, had his intellectual, laborious, self-sacrific-
ing service from his youth till his death \ and if it is true that
he is not to be remembered by many generations, yet while
he is remembered he will be known as he would best liked
to be known, — as a man who in his own generation worked
hard to do good and did good."'
Francis Wayland's fame does not rest on his desire to
do good, nor on his striking personality. He is remem-
bered because of his bold experiment introducing the elec-
tive system at Brown University.
^^ A student relates that when crossing the Campus he was startled by
hearing a call in a Boanerges voice, " 'C have you a chew of tobacco'
for the doctor was a shameless consumer of the weed." Congdon, op. cit.^
94.
-^ J. L. Dennett, loc. cit., +31.
54 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
In an article of this length it is impossible to follow
through all the consequences of his experiment. Briefly,
it may be said that the immediate effect was an increase in
enrollment and scholastic activity, but this did not last.
Wayland had tried to do too much. His program was
inadequately financed and met with the passive resistance
of the faculty and board of trustees. Struggling practically
single-handed, he wore himself out and ill-health forced
his resignation. With scarcely concealed satisfaction the
college returned to the old system.
In the long run his attempt had far reaching effects.
Late in the nineteenth century a few leading educators,
notably Charles William Eliot, found in the elective sys-
tem the panacea for all educational ills. They gave high
place to Jefferson, Ticknor, and Wayland as the pioneers
in the movement. Followed to its logical conclusion the
part of Wayland's formula which deinanded that a student
might study "what he chose, all that he chose" necessitated
giving a large number of courses in specific subjects for
specific purposes, i.e., to help young men become better
farmers, mechanics or merchants. As Professor Morison
says "even a cursory inspection of their catalogues" shows
that many state universities are following this principle
today."' Not to mention the Harvard Graduate School of
Business Administration, the Pulitzer School of Journalism,
etc.
The second part of Wayland's formula eliminated all
required courses; a student might study "nothing but what
he chose." At Harvard in 1900, an extreme example, after
~' Harvard never went as far as some of the others, nor quite succumbed
to the demand for vocational training. Morison writes, "Eliot's greatest
service to the country was to leap on the hack of this wild mustang which
Wavland had branded, and to break it into the civilized if somewhat
jittery paces of the Harvard elective system. He managed to give the
public what it wanted, without completely sacrificing Thomas Jefferson's
ideal of training an intellectual aristocracy to serve a political democracy."
Samuel F.liot Morison, Three Centuries of Harzuir^I (Cambridge, 1937),
288.
FRANCIS WAYLAND 55
passing one required course in English, a student might
meet the requirements for a degree by passing a given num-
ber of courses, elementary or advanced, selected at will
from any part of the catalogue and absolutely unrelated
to each other. The accumulation of a certain number of
credits earned an A.B. degree and admission "to the fellow-
ship of educated men."
Recently the tide has set strongly in the other direction.
For some time Harvard has required candidates for honors
to work under the supervision of a tutor in a field of con-
centration and to pass a general comprehensive examina-
tion. Brown has recently reduced by twenty per cent the
number of courses in an effort to bring the students into
closer stimulating contacts with mature faculty minds, and
to urge them to do more reading and writing.
The problem of the higher education is still under dis-
cussion. Some continue to cling to the opinion held by
Wayland and Eliot that every man should choose for him-
self the educational food which he would eat, even at the
risk of mental indigestion. Others think that some sort of
a diet should be prescribed by the college. The value of
Wayland's experiment is in no way diminished by the
differences of current opinion. Let it be said to his ever-
lasting credit, that he faced the problem as he saw it and
met it with courage.
56 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest
The Society of Colonial Wars issued in December a
leaflet of eleven pages on John Albro's Deposition of 1705
in regard to the purchase of Aquidneck.
Notes
The following persons have been elected to membership
in the Society:
Mr. Charles J. Hill
Mr. Wilfred C. Murphy
Three Examples of the Work of
Lawrance Langworthy, Newport Pewterer
By Madelaine R. Brown, M.D.
The earliest Rhode Island pewterer who has left known
examples of his work is Lawrance Langworthy of Newport.
He worked first in Exeter, England j and in the Exeter
Museum, Devonshire, is a plate bearing his touch mark
and the date 1719. By 1731 he had moved to Newport
as evidenced by the Supreme Court Records naming him
as pewterer and plaintiff in a law suit.^
He did not come to America for religious reasons since
he remained a member of the Anglican Church and became
^ Colket, M. B., "Lawrence Langworthy, Pewterer" The American
Genealogist: 15, p. 1. July 1938.
LAWRANCE LANGWORTHY 57
a vestryman of Trinity Church, Newport. It is supposed
that he came for business reasons and to Newport, because
the only other Langworthy known to have come to this
country was Andrew Langworthy, a citizen of Newport as
early as 1652.
Lawrance Langworthy had two children, Mary and
Southcott. Mary married Daniel Pierce and he and South-
cott went into business together as braziers in Newport.
The Langworthy name was carried on only one generation
further for Southcott's only son was severely injured in
the Revolutionary War and left no descendants.
Mr. Colket prints Lawrance's will probated 1739 which
shows that he left a very substantial estate for that day.'
The tombstone of Lawrance and his wife, Mary, is in the
Island cemetery, New^port, and is believed by Mr. Howard
Chapin to bear the only example of an impaled coat of arms
in colonial Rhode Island. The birth place of Lawrance is
given as Ashburton and of Mary as Dartmouth, both of
Devonshire. It is probable that she was Mary Southcott
since this was the name of a prominent gentry family of
Devonshire and both Langworthy children named sons
Southcott. Mr. Williani Langworthy of Hamilton, New
York, descendant of Andrew Langworthy, has made a
search of the Ashburton parish records without being able
to trace the Langworthy ancestry.
In 1936 a bell metal, three-legged pot turned up in the
possession of Mrs. Benjamin Blake of Weston, Massachu-
setts. This bears the mark "L. Langworthy 1730" on the
handle. In the spring of 1938 a similar pot with the mark
"L. L. Newport" was discovered in the possession of Mr.
Lewis Wiggin of Northampton, Massachusetts and due to
the efforts of Mr. and Mrs. Paul J. Franklin of Needham,
one marked identically with Mrs. Blake's was located in
the collection of the late Mr. Albert Bowman of Spring-
held, Vermont. It is of interest that all of these pots were
found in the Connecticut valley possibly indicating an early
maritime trade route.
58
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The handles of both pots where they were attached have
a defect blotting out the "L" of Langworthy. The fact
that two examples dated 1730 have been found in this
country leads one to suppose that the maker began work in
Newport at this time. Outside of a spoon handle by Joseph
TOUCH MARK OF LANGWORTHY
FROM COLKET, IN AMER.
GENEALOGIST
TOUCH MARK OF LANGWORTHY ON PEWTER PLATE IN
EXETER MUSEUM, EXETER, ENGLAND
LAWRANCE LANGVVORTHY
59
LANGWORTHY PEWTER PLATE IN
EXETER MUSEUM, EXETER, ENGLAND
Copeland of Chuckatuck, Virginia, recently excavated at
Jamestown", these pots by Langworthy remain the earliest
known examples of an American pewterer's work. Cope-
land's touch mark dated 1675 is strikingly similar in type
to Langworthy's English mark, although the two men be-
gan work forty-four years apart on opposite sides of the
Atlantic.
There are several bell metal pots of the same type in
Newport at present, two of which bear simply "Newport"
on the handles. One is in the Newport Historical Society
and the other in the Winton-Lyman-Hazard House.
These were probably made either by Lawrance or his son,
Southcott, but unfortunately no pewter made in this coun-
try by the former has been discovered.
- Bailev, W., "Joseph Copeland, 17th Century Pewterer" Antiques:
23, p. 188 April 1938.
60
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
I'hulo by Mr. P. J. F,u,nkHn
I.ANGWOR THY BELL METAL POT
Oziiicd by Mr. Lr^cis A'. Wiggin, N iirthaiiiptO}i , Mass.
Photo by Mr. P. J. Franklin
LANGUORrHY BELL METAL POTS
Ozviied by Ozincd by
Dr. Madelaine Broicn Mrs. Benjamin Blake
treasurer's report 61
Rhode Island Historical Society
Treasurer's Report
INCOME ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1938
Receipis
Annual Dues $2,090.00
Dividends and Interest 3,390.56
Rental of Rooms 1 00.00
Newspaper Account 1 2.50
State Appropriation 1,500.00
Surplus Income Account 686.50
$7,779.56
Expenditures
Binding $ 32.10
Books 326.01
Electric Light and Gas 73.90
Lectures 82.71
Expenses 48.1 8
Grounds and Building 6.5 5
Heating 700.85
Insurance 225.00
Publications 504.12
Salaries 5,580.00
Supplies 133.84
Telephone 58.30
Water 8.00
$7,779.56
62 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
STATEMENT OF CONDITION, DECEMBER 31, 1938
4,000.00
Assets
Grounds and Building $ 25,000.00
Investments:
$3,000. Centra] Mfg. District $3,000.00
4,000. Dominion of Canada, 5s, 1952 4,003.91
4,000. Minn. Power & Light Co., 1st 5s, 195 5 3,930.00
2,000. Ohio Power Co., 1st &Ref. 5s, 1952 1,974.00
1,000. TexasP. &L., Ist&Ref. 5s, 1956 1,021.25
1,000. Pennsylvania R. R., Deb. 4>ls, 1970 922.50
1,000. Penn. Water & Power Co., 1st 5s, 1940 1,005.42
5,000. Bethlehem Steel Corp. 4i^s, I960 5,225.00
3,000. Western Mass. Com. 3'4s, 1946 3,086.25
3,000. Consolidated G.as Co.' of N. Y. 3>4s,
1 946 3,131.25
4,000. BroadwavExch.Corp. 1st Mtge. Cert. ^
1950
8 shs. Class A Broadway Exch. Corp.
$ 500. Pennsylvania Railroad Co. 334s, 1952 500.00
500. New York Central Railroad Co. 3^s,
1952 509.39
1,000. Gulf State Utilities Co., 4s, 1966 1,060.50
54 shs. New York Central Railroad Co 3,654.62
30 shs. Lehigh Valley Railroad Co 2,1 12.50
7 shs. Lehigh Valley Coal Co 23 5.39
125 shs. Pennsylvania Railroad Co 7,638.3 5
40 shs. Wisconsin Electric Power Co., Pfd 3,900.00
70 shs. American Telephone & Telegraph Co. 6,591.72
350 shs. Providence Gas Co. 5,75 5.68
1 5 shs. Providence National Bank ) . _ . , , ^
15 shs. Providence Nat'l Corp. Trust Cert.(
45 shs. Blackstone Canal National Bank 1,050.00
52 shs. Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Rv. Co.
Com '. 6,247.85
45 shs. Public Service of N. J., 5s, Cum. Pfd. 4,317.63
22 shs. Continental Can 1,446.02
40 shs. Bankers Trust Co. of N. Y 2,61 5.00
2 shs. Guaranty Trust Co. of N. Y 706.00
. Savings Account 2,000.00
83,153.85
Cash on hand 3,193.96
$111,347.81
treasurer's report 63
Liabilities
Equipment Fund $ 2 5,000.00
Permanent Endowment Fund:
■ Samuel M. Noyes $12,000.00
Henry J. Steere 10,000.00
James H. Bugbee 6,000.00
Charles H. Smith 5,000.00
William H. Potter 3,000.00
Charles W. Parsons 4,000.00
Esek A. Jillson 2,000.00
John Wilson Smith 1 ,000.00
William G. Weld 1,000.00
Charles C. Hoskins 1 ,000.00
Charles H. Atwood 1,000.00
Edwin P. Anthony 4,000.00
John F. Street 1,000.00
George L. Shepley 5,000.00
Franklin Lyceum Memorial 734.52
Sarah P. Blake 124.00
56,858.52
Publication Fund:
Robert P. Brown 2,000.00
Ira P. Peck 1 ,000.00
William Gammell 1,000.00
Albert J. Jones 1,000.00
William Ely 1,000.00
Julia Bullock 500.00
Charles H. Smith 100.00
6,600.00
Life Membership 5,600.00
Book Fund 3,0 1 2.41
Reserve 926.60
Revolving Publication Fund 257.95
Surplus 12,583.65
Surplus Income Account 508.68
$111,347.81
64 RHODE ISLAND (HISTORICAL SOCIETY
PRINCIPAL ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1938
Receipts
Indianapolis Power & Light $ 1,040.00
Reserve Fund 5 19.86
Revolving Publication Fund 2.50
$ 1,562.36
Balance January 1, 1938 2,344.56
$3,906.92
Payments
Gulf State Utilities $ 1,060.50
Reserve Fund 285.14
$1,345.64
Balance January 1, 1939 2,561.28
$3,906.92
Respectfully submitted,
Robert T. Downs,
Treasurer
January 1939
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Col leg
(3^ >^/yi-n;M^z!iz2i.im/ ^ ^ Ky[Sk.SAA.\ 9 J.
JIIK KI-KKrVVOOI) KNGRAVING OF THE GREAT STORM OF 1815
Trniii original in the Socifiy's library
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island
CONTENTS
PAGE
September Gale of 1 8 1 5 . . . . . cover
The Signing of the Compact and
The Purchase of Aquidneck
by Edward H. West 65
Providence Letters of Marque of 1812 . . 78
The Journal of Capt. Tillinghast . . . 80
Early Ship Protests ...... 84
The Arms of Richard Scott
by Richard Le Baron Bowen . . . 87
RHODE ^^¥|^ ISLAND
HISTORICAL ^^^mj SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XXXII JULY, 1939 No. 3
Harry Parsons Cross, Presideyit Robert T. Downs, Treasurer
William Davis Miller, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
The Signing of the Compact
and
The Purchase of Aquidneck
By Edward H. West
The so-called Portsmouth Compact has claimed the
attention of many historians, and all have praised it, both
for its civil and its religious aspects. There has been a
difference of opinion, however, as to where it was drawn up,
some few claiming it was made in Providence, while the
majority give Boston as the place where it was made and
signed. No one gives any sufficient reason for his belief
in either place.
Aside from the date of the Compact (7 March 1637/8 ),
there are two records which give considerable information
on this subject, and definitely indicate that the document
was drawn before the men who signed it left Boston.
First, there is the letter from Thomas Dudley to John
Winthrop, dated 19 of ye 12 1637', which says "In answer
^ Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. Ser. 4, v. 7.
p^|i-;.f^^/^£%^i'.r
r' /
.■<-'
THE COMPACT
RECORDS OF THE ISLAND OF R. I., PAGE ONE
THE SIGNING OF THE COMPACT 67
to yours, and to what Mr. Coddington hath by word men-
tioned, I say as foUoweth, that I am content himself, Mr.
Wildbore, Mr. Coggeshall, Goodman Freeborne & Richard
Carder shall have lycense to depart out of the Patent, within
a month from hence following ( this '-jcould be 19 Maixh
1637/8) and after to retourne at their pleasures to remove
their famyles, so it be within half a yeare from this date, —
only Mr. Coddington and Mr. Wildbore are to come & goe,
& trade & comerce, and take their own tyme for removall of
their famyles. Likewise Serjeant Hutchinson & Serjeant
Boston and John Porter, I consent to their departure and
the release of their fines, provided that they shall depart
before the thirteenth of the next month, & not return any
more ."
This shows that William Coddington had been making-
plans for removal for some time before the date of Dudley's
letter, and although he was favored in Dudley's letter, and
subsequent records show that he never broke off entirely
with the Bay Colony, it was for his own advancement and
proht that he w^as at the head of the movement for removal
to another place. As to the last three names mentioned in
this letter, Dudley insists that they shall leave before the
thirteenth of March, the first definite date found in regard
to their removal.
Second, at the meeting of the General Court, 12th 1 mo
1637/8', it is shown that "Mr. Coddington, Mr. John
Coggeshall, William Baulston, Edward Hutchinson, Sam-
uel Wilbore, John Porter, John Compton, Henry Bull,
Philip Sherman, William Freeborne & Richard Carder,
having license to depart, summons is to go out for them to
appear (if they not be gone before) at the next Court."
Although this has been mentioned in most accounts of that
time, very little attention has been paid to the w^ording of
the Warrant which follows the above record, which reads —
"Whereas you have desired and obtained a license to
remove your selves & your families out of this jurisdiction,
- Mass. Coll. Records, v. I .
r.^i
/
.a
>,/«.„. ^/>--''^ ./.^^-A'.'J-.-^^^.
RECORDS OF THE ISLAND OF R. I., PAGE TWO
THE SIGNING OF THE COMPACT 69
& for that information hath been given to this Court that
your intent is only to withdraw your selves for a season,
that you may avoid the censure of the Court in some things
which may bee objected against you, the Court therefore
order that you depart according to the license given you, so
as your families may be removed before the next General
Court." From this second record it would seem as if Dudley
looked ahead to the date of the sitting of the Court when he
specified that the last three men mentioned in his letter,
should be gone before the thirteenth of March. They
could not leave before they procured their license to go,
which could not be obtained before the Court met on the
12th, hence all signers of the Compact must have been in
Boston on the 7th, the date on which it was signed.
It is unfortunate that we have only John Clarke's account
of the journey to the Island of Aquidneck, as he left out
many things that we would like to know. This journey has
not been given serious thought by any of the historians
except Mr. Howard M. Chapin, in his Documentary
History of Rhode Island.
John Clarke says that they left Boston in the Spring"",
which I do not think can be taken seriously, as to the date,
especially as Winthrop says in regard to that season "This
was a very hard winter. The snow lay from November 4
to March 23 half a yard deep about the Massachusetts —
and the spring was very backward." With the snow on the
ground, or melting, it would have been more than two days
journey to Providence. After they arrived there the situa-
tion had to be talked over with Roger Williams. Then, on
his advice, Roger Williams, John Clarke, and two others
(why did he not give their names? ) journeyed to Plymouth
to determine what land they could procure j all of which
took time.
According to John Clarke^, the vessel, which had sailed
from Boston bearing some members of the party around
^ 111 Newes from New England, Dr. John Clarke.
70 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Cape Cod, was expected in Providence, but had not arrived
when the party left for Plymouth. From this same source
we learn that after the mission was accomplished at Ply-
mouth the committee returned to Providence. John Clarke
gives no detail of the purchase of Aquidneck, and possibly
he was not at Narragansett when the purchase was made, but
fortunately there is a deposition made by William Codding-
ton^ in which can be found many of the details.
Coddington describes in the deposition how they went
to the Island and saw the Indian Sachem there, who in-
formed them that they would have to see the Chief Sachems
at Narragansett "whereupon this deponant, with some
others, went from Aquidneck Island unto the Narragansett
to the said Sachems." Of the "some others" we have Roger
Williams who drew up the deed, Randal Houlden who
witnessed it, as well as John Sanford, John Porter, Richard
Carder, and William Dyre, alJ making depositions in regard
to the gift of the little island to William Dyre'\
Taking all the above into consideration, the journey of
the vessel around Cape Cod to Providence, then the trip
from Providence to Aquidneck and thence to Narragansett,
where the sale of Aquidneck was made on the 24th of
March, twelve days after they had obtained their license to
depart, it is certain that of the twelve days, very few could
have been spent in Boston, and consequently the departure
from Boston must have been made very soon after the
license to depart was procured.
It is very probable that the trip from Providence to
Aquidneck and Narragansett was made in the vessel that
brought some of the party around the Cape. As both Codd-
ington and Wilbore are referred to in Dudley's letter as
being in "trade and comerce," it is possible that the vessel
belonged to one of them. Or, as we learn from the note
book of Thomas Letchford^ that John Coggeshall, William
Hutchinson, Thomas Savage, and William Dyre were part
* Rhode Island Col. Records, 1-51.
= Rhode Island Col. Records, 1-267.
THE SIGNING OF THE COMPACT 71
owners of a wharf and warehouse in Boston, it may have
been a vessel belonging to one, or more, of these men. That
the vessel returned to Aquidneck from Narragansett, is
shown by the deposition of William Coddington" which
says — "I doe affirm that wee the Purchasers of Rhode
Island (my selfe being the chief) William Dyre desiring
a spot of land of us as we passed by it, after we had purchased
the said Island, did grant him our Right in the said island
& named it Dyres Island." Had they returned to Provi-
dence from Narragansett, they would not have seen this
island, as it lies between Aquidneck and Prudence Islands,
far off their course had they sailed to Providence.
No doubt some of the men started in immediately to clear
the land around the cove ( called Sanf ords Cove in some of
the early records) for their new settlement, their families
possibly staying in Providence while this work was going on.
Certainlv much work had to be done on the Island between
the 24th of March, when they purchased it, and the 13th
of May, when they held their first town meeting. Probably
the land was cleared around the cove and the settlement was
made before thought was given to laws or anything else.
And it appears, from the records, that this first settlement
was temporary, as — "//;<? Towne shall be budded at the
springe" according to the second record made at this first
meeting. After they had erected some sort of Shelter they
began to think about laws, as well as the legal allotments
of their land, and from that time their records show that
laws were made as the occasion demanded.
In regard to the signers of the Compact two questions
arise, one of which has been discussed several times by as
many historians j but never, to my knowledge, has the
second been mentioned.
The first question involves the names that have been
erased from the bottom of the Compact, Thomas Clarke,
John Johnson, William Hall, and John Brightman. These
^ Note Book of Thomas Lctchford, American Antiquarian Soc.
^ <? i i. Q"> f » •« '■ '"^l '•■ h f
■■"•^tJ-. ♦' c^_-.«x- #-ti«. »V»-»»'^
RECORDS OF THE ISLAND OF R. I., PAGE THREE
■i? /?
ASPINVVALL S NOTARIAL RECORDS
^/
JOHN CLARKE TO THE GENERAL COURT
THE SIGNING OF THE COMPACT 77i
men, with the exception of Brightman, were all admitted
Inhabitants of the Colony, 20 May 1638, at the third meet-
ing of the settlers, and were among the first nine men
admitted. Taking the known records of these men, we find
that with the exception of Johnson, no mention of them is
made before the date of their admission, either in the Bay
Colony^ or Plymouth. In fact nothing further can be found
of John Brightman, and I think that we can safely leave
him out of all further consideration.
The General Court, at its meeting of 12th 1 mo 1637/8,
warns John Johnson of Mount WoUaston, one of "Mr.
Coddington's men, to be removed before the next Court."
This shows that he was probably William Coddington's
farmer, and would not have been in a position to purchase
land with the others. As no mention is made of Thomas
Clarke and William Hall in the Boston records, it is very
probable that they arrived in Boston while the Hutchinson
controversy was going on, in fact they may have arrived in
November on the ship with John Clarke, and may have
been among those who were given permission to land. A
suggestion has been made that possibly their names were
erased when they left the Island, but both Clarke and Hall
stayed on the Island until they died, Clarke in 1674 and
Hall in 1675. There seems also to be a mistaken idea as
to the town to which these men were admitted, Newport
being the place mentioned in some accounts, when in fact,
at the time they were admitted, Newport had not been
thought of, and at the time of their admittance the only
settlement was at the north end of the island.
With these facts, and the question following, it would
seem as if these men were not among the first settlers of the
Island, and were not the original signers of the Compacty
and that their names were added through some mistake, or
possibly some one had them sign their names for an un-
known reason of his own, later crossing them out.
The mere fact that these men were admitted Inhabitants,
instead as Proprietors or Freemen, as were the signers of
74 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
the Compact, shows that their names have no place on
the Compact.
The second question I wish to bring up concerns the
deposition made by William Coddington, 14 April 1652',
when he said "Whereas there was an agreement of eighteen
persons to make purchase of some place to the southward
for a plantation." Had he forgotten just how many men
there were, or had he purposely left one of the signers out,
and if so, which one.'^
In the margins of the pages recording the first nine
meetings on the Island (13th 3mo 1638 to 2nd llmo
1638), there is a list of names, apparently those of the men
who attended the meetings. Of the signers of the Compact ,
all but two, William Aspinwall and Thomas Savage, are
mentioned at the majority of those meetings. We know
that William Aspinwall was on the Island, although it is
shown that he was not in the good graces of the Coddington
followers. This does not seem strange as he was always
getting into trouble with some one, but it is certain that he
was on the Island for some time, the latest time his name
appearing on the records being 16th 12 mo 1639. On the
10th of the same month he was granted 200 acres of land
near Sandy Point, but no further mention of this land is
made until 1661, when it is called in "the possession of
Edward Hutchinson."
Of Thomas Savage there is no record on the Island except
when he is mentioned in the 1641 list of Freemen, but it is
in the Boston records that we find most about him. Although
he was among those disarmed, he does not appear in the
record of those who had license to depart. From the Boston
Town Records we find that he bought land at Muddy River,
21st 11 mo 1638, that he was mentioned three times in 1640
in connection with land grants in the Bay Colony, and that
he paid for land in 1642. Aside from this we find that his
wife, who was a daughter of Anne Hutchinson, had children
born and baptized in Boston in 1638 and 1639, as well as in
' Rhode Island Col. Records, 1-50.
THE SIGNING OF THE COMPACT 75
1 643, SO it would appear that his stay at Aquidneck (if any)
was very short. It seems to me that if William Coddington
had meant to leave out one of the signers, Thomas Savage
was the one.
There is a line apparently drawn through the name of
Thomas Savage on the Compact, but this probably is of no
consequence, as the names of John Clarke and John Cogge-
shall also have lines through them, and certainly their place
in the Colony can not be questioned.
None of the various historians ever tried to name the
writer of the Compact until Thomas Bicknell, in his "Story
of Dr. John Clarke" said that it was probably written by
Clarke. Dr. Wilbur Nelson in his "Hero of Aquidneck"
says that Dr. Clarke did write the Compact. Unfortunately
Dr. Nelson has followed Bicknell too closely, and evidently
has not studied the original records at all, or he would not
also have said that William Dyre was elected Clerk at the
time of the signing of the Compact^ nor that the Island was
purchased at Providence.
Very probably Bicknell, himself, did not use the original
records of Rhode Island, but depended on Bartlett's tran-
scriptions, which are full of errors. William Aspinwall was
appointed secretary on the day that the Compact was signed,
as is shown on Page 2 of the Records of the Island of Rhode
Island. On Page 3 of the same book, are the first records
made on the Island, 13 May 1638, and at the top of the
page, in the handwriting of William Dyre, who wrote the
records for many months, is the agreement that Dyre is to
be clerk. The deposition of William Coddington, already
mentioned, shows that the Island was purchased at Narra-
gansett, not Providence.
It seems strange that Bicknell based the probability of
John Clarke's having written the Compact mainly on the
strength of "its religious sentiment." At the time when the
Compact was written, the Bay Colony had just suppressed
the followers of Anne Hutchinson in what appears to have
been the beginning of a religious war. Then every family
76 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
depended on and studied the Bible as an answer to all
problems. Henry Leland Chapman*' states the condition
of the people of that time as follows "Religion, and religion
in its most intellectual and theological aspect, was the com-
mon vocation of the people, and they hurried through what
might be called the exacting chores of life in order that they
might give themselves to frequent and protracted seasons
of worship and religious instruction, and theological dis-
putation." How, under these conditions, can it be said that
any one man wrote a paper with "religious sentiment," and
that man be named, without proof?
The admirers of John Clarke must not forget that
William Coddington was at the head of the movement to
found a new colony, and that everything was done at Cod-
dington's orders, notwithstanding the statement of John
Clarke ■', that it was at Clarke's suggestion that the decision
was made to move from the Bay Colony. While it is to Anne
Hutchinson that the credit of the founding of Rhode Island
must be given, for it was the quality of her disarmed follow-
ers that led to the founding of a separate colony, which under
other men would probably have been absorbed by either
Massachusetts or Connecticut or both j none the less it is to
William Coddington that the credit of the actual founding
of the colony must be made, as it was through his wealth
and influence (in spite of some of his later acts) that other
men of influence settled there, and eventually developd
what is now the State of Rhode Island. Does it not seem
strange that a young man like John Clarke, without previous
experience in a wild country, such as ours was when he
arrived, should have been given the authority that he seems
to assume in his tract^? As he did not arrive in Boston until
November 1637, he had no knowledge of the heat of the
previous summer, and certainly could not have told, from
his own experience, that the following winter was unusually
severe. His mention of "some others" who accompanied him
is certainly not definite, and one can not tell whether they
® Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, Prof. Henry Leland Chapman.
THE SIGNING OF THE COMPACT 77
were new arrivals or men who had been in the Bay Colony
for some time. It does not seem possible that any of the
Boston men, who were connected with the removal, would
think of a new colony to the north, as John Clarke implies,
as they all had been in the Bay Colony long enough to know
how much farther north they must go to escape the jurisdic-
tion of the Bay, and it would seem as if this northern trip
was made by newcomers who were ignorant of the true con-
ditions of the country. It will be noticed that John Clarke"
makes no mention of the Cojupact, or any other agreement,
except the one which provided that some of the party should
travel by land while the vessel went around Cape Cod. I
am convinced that had John Clarke drawn up, or written the
Compact y he most certainly would have mentioned it in his
tract, and he claims no credit for the authorship.
Before John Clarke arrived in Boston, a "Petition or
Remonstrance" against the conviction of Wheelwright, was
presented to the General Court.''' ^"'^^ Although the Petition
was presented in March 1636/7, it was not used by the
Court until the following November, and was then used
against the signers ( who numbered over sixty') and was
really the cause of the disarming of the followers of Anne
Hutchinson.
A reading of this Petition will show that it has a religious
sentiment, with frequent Bible references, as did most of
the papers of that time, including the Compact. Unfor-
tunately the Petition has been lost, although it is reproduced
in the story told by Welde, as well as in a footnote in
Winthrop's history,'"*' " and we have the word of both Welde
and Winthrop that this Petition was written by William
Aspinwall, one of the signers of the Compact, a man well
known as a writer, who, when he was permitted to return
to Boston, was made Clerk of the Court, as well as a Notary
Public.
" Rise, Reign and Ruin, Thomas Welde.
^^ Antinomianism, Charles Francis Adams.
'^ History of New England, John Winthrop.
78 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
A comparison of the handwriting of the CoiJipact and the
handwritings of William Aspinwall, as seen on the second
page of the Record book, as well as in the extract taken from
his Notarial Records, shows, without any doubt, that the
Compact, as shown in the Record book, was certainly written
by William Aspinwall, while the extract from John Clarke's
letter shows that he could not have written this copy of the
Compact. In absence of proof of Clarke's authorship it
would be well to give credit to Aspinwall, who, as secretary
of the body, and a lawyer, would naturally have been the
one to have drawn up this document.
The intention of this article is not to belittle John Clarke,
but to give credit where it is due. Dr. Clarke has a very fine
monument in the Charter which he procured for this
Colony, but the records fail to disclose the very prominent
part which some claim that he had in the early life of this
Colony. And after all it is the official records that we must
use in order to know the truth, anything else is conjecture,
and if one uses too much of that the results are bound to be
distorted, and although we may have a very pleasing story,
it is not history. It depends on what we want — a good story
or history — on what we shall base our facts, or how we shall
read the records.
Providence Letters of Marque
Issued in the War of 1812
Abstract of Commissions of Letter of Marque &c issued
in the District of Providence in the State of Rhode Island &
from the 1 2 May 1 8 1 3 to the 12 September 1814.
58, Geo. P. Stevenson, John HoUins, Michael McBlair
and John S. Hollins, owners, issued August 14, 1813,
Schooner Sparrow, Commander Ezekiel Hall, first lieuten-
ant Daniel Chace, 83 90/95 tons, 16 men, 1 carriage gun,
sureties George I. Brown, Thomas P. Ives.
PROVIDENCE LETTERS OF MARQUE 79
59, Moses Eddy, Saml Eddy, Benj & Joseph Comstock,
owners, issued October 16, 1813, Sloop Juno, Comman-
der William Comstock, first lieutenant Geo. L. Brown,
54 75/95 tons, 5 men, 1 carriage gun, 1 swivel, sureties
Samuel Currie, James Currie.
60, Isaac Bowen, Jr., Saml Currie, Richd Olney, Jereh
Munro, owners, issued October 18, 1813, Sloop Huntress,
Commander James Currie, first lieutenant Wm. Arnold,
99 51/95 tons, 8 men, 2 carriage guns, sureties Moses
Eddy, Wm. Comstock.
922, Geo. Coggeshall, E. Minor Jr., David Miles, Wm.
Strong, Wm. M. Miles, John J. Minor, Jonathan Law-
rence, Jr., owners, issued November 9, 1813, schooner
David Porter, Commander George Coggeshall, first lieu-
tenant Saml. McNicholes, 192 33/95 tons, 30 men, 6 car-
riage guns, sureties Edward Carrington, Hy P. Franklin.
923, John Richard, James Case owners, issued Novem-
ber 22, 1813, Schooner \'iper, commander Domingo
Dithurbide, first lieutenant Wm. Earle, 303 37/95 tons,
40 men, 4 carriage guns, 20 muskets, sureties Frederick
Brunei, Gurdon S. Mumford.
Sept 12, 1814
Thos Coles Col
924, Peter H. Schenck & Martin W. Brett, owners,
issued December 13, 1814, Brig Morgiana, commander
George H. Fellows, first lieutenant John Hariltor, 270
43/95 tons, 100 men, 14 carriage, sureties Henry Cowing,
George Weeden.
925, William Keith, Isaac Jenny & x\bijah Luce, owners,
issued December 27, 1814, Schooner "Sine qua non" alias
William commander Abijah Luce, first lieutenant Joseph
Breck, 1 73 85/95 tons, 80 men, 7 carriage, sureties Wheeler
Martin, William Valentine.
926, Peter H. Schenck & Martin W. Brett owners, issued
January 2, 1815, Brig Scourge, Commander Charles W.
80 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Wooster, first lieutenant Lothrop Turner, 250 tons, 110
men, 9 carriage sureties Henry Cowing, George Weeden.
Jany 10, 1815 Thos Coles Col
(From Rhode Island Historical Society Manuscripts, X\'II, 115.)
Note: The numbers are apparently federal, not local, numbering.
— Editor
The Journal of Capt. Tillinghast
(concluded fro>ii Page 1 6)
Sunday 1 6 This day fair weather went over to sea M'"
Rokes try'' for to shute some Pigeons but could not get
aney went to drive up the Horses found they had got
out of the Pasture returnd and sent Peter Fisher out
but could not find them this afternon went out took
another look but could not find them rain this night
singin shooll at the hall this afternoon
Monday 1 7 This day commences cloudy took up staks at
9 "Clock went in persute of the Horses at which time
it began to rain went through the woods to M'' Grangers
whare we heard of them Col. Berry having tawn them
up this morning on the rode to Troy M' G. offerd a
Horse sent S. Scovill after them returnd home at 12
"Clock continued rainy all the time later past light
squalls of rain so ends this day cloudy
Tuesday 1 8''' This day commences fair weather after
brackfast took the Gig went down to Gen" Gansiford
saw a most capitall saw mill with a gang of 1 3 saws and
a good Grist mill plenty of Logs Boards & Plank stop
at Cap' Thompson mill a gang of 1 5 saws returnd to
Dinner after which took the Chaise and started for
Balltown arrived at sunsett so Ends this day
Wednesday 1 9 This day commences with heavy rain at 1 0
"Clock more moderate light squalls and rain at 1 2 "Clock
started for Northumberland stop at Homes found no
letters started on just as we enterd on the planes began
THE JOURNAL OF CAPT. TILLINGHAST 81
to rain very fast attended with Thunder & lightning
continued untill a cross them (the plains) then held up.
obliged to get out going up hill it being clay and very
slippery all most impossible to get up or down arrived
at dark at P. L, M. 20 mile so End this day
Thursday Sep"" 20*'' This day commences foggey & flying
clouds at 1 1 "Clock tackl'' up and went down to E. Rey-
nolds P. L. M. Z. M. A. M. & W. E. T. was very
agreably entertaind. Rost Pig & a most execlent loin of
Veal for dinner this day at 9 "Clock returnd very cold
and heavy frost this night so ends this day
Friday 2 1 This day fair weather and moderate over hauld
the Carriages greast Wheals moved the Chain farther
back on the thourong Braces at 5 "Clock tackl'' up and
took in Amey and went up to N. Tillinghast so ends
this day fair weather
Saturday 22 This day commences fair weather after brack-
fast got into a Waggon and went down to P. L. M. help
him get a frame for a Chaise house and carted two loads
of slabs from Thompsons mills at night returnd to
N. T. so Ends this day
Sunday 23 This day commences fair weather tackl'' up
went down to P. L. M. and he & Mrs. Mawney joind
us went up to Glans falls at night returnd by Cadwell's
to N. T. so Ends this day
Monday 24 This day commences fair weather in the
morning went down to P. L. M. to help build a Chaise
house at night returnd to N. T. after compleating the
house & boarding up part of the Barn so Ends this day
fair weather and cold nights
Tuesday 25 This day commences fair weather at 10 °Clock
started for P. L. M. help build two mangers at 2 °Clock
started for Fort Edward crost the river at CoF Rogers
attended the Lodge at 1 1 "Clock arrived home after
being politly treated So Ends this day
82 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Wednesday 26 This day commences fair weather went to
work reparing Barn building fowell house in the after-
noon H. & A. came down at night returnd with them
so ends this day
Thursday 27 This day commences with cloudy weather
at 10 "Clock clear went out with N. to the foot of
Palmer Town mountains returnd at 3 "Clock P. M.
found Amey & Hanah employd at blagarding each
other so ends this day with flying clouds
Friday 28 This day commences fair weather walkd down to
P. L. M. with N. found he had gone to Troy nothing
remarkable this day
Saturday 29 This day commences fair weather & could
greast wheals brushd Chaise &c at 10 "Clock started for
Glans Falls arrived at 1 " Clock at Twings 7 miles at
2y2 "Clock started for Lake George arrived at Stiles
Inn @ 5 "Clock 9 miles on the west side of the Lake
one mile from the head a good House & fared well so
ends this day clear & cold strong gales at North
Sunday Sep 30, 1804 This day commences fair wether
light air at South get ready to goe down to dimond
Island 14 miles at 8 "Clock strong breazes at N W. gave
up the idea of going oif on the Lake went out to vew the
remains of the old fort Prince William Henry with the
old Buring grounds saw the remains of the French
intrenchment that whare hove up at the time the Fort
surrenderd found some of the wall and old timber
that formerly composed the brest work. The Buring
ground aboutht 4 Akers. at 3 "Clock started to return
stop* at the head of the Lake to vew Fort George
the walls of which are of stone & lime coverd with dirt
and are in a maner all standing two miles from this on
the rode East side is Blody pond whare the Indians
murderd the English at the time they surrenderd to
the French stop at Wing rested then started for N. T.
THE JOURNAL OF CAPT. TILLINGHAST 83
arrived at 8 ''Clock cloudy & cold so ends this day —
spits of Snow
Monday Oct. 1 This day commences cloudy litle or no
wind & could after brakfast walkd down to P. L. M.
this da\' the roade was apprised that runs back of the
House at 500 $ which occasiond a long dispute and the
most simple argument and many unjust occasiond by
party returnd to N, T. at 12 "Clock at night so End
this day
Tuesday Oct. 2. This day commences fair weather at 10
°Clock started with P. L. M. dined at Leas Saritogo
went on to Balltown spring from their to the Post office
then to the Court House then to T. Patchens whare we
taried for the night found that the people had left the
spring So Ends this day
Wednesday Oct. 3. This day commences fair weather after
Brackfast went down to the Court House from thence
by the way of Balltown Springs to W Leas at Saritoga
dined then precede on arrived at N T. at 5 °Clock
enquired at the Post office for Letters found none so
ends this day fair weather
Thursday Oct. 4. This day commences fair weather turn'd
out early kil'^ a pig maid a good dinner at 5 3^ "Clock
caught the mare found one of her fore legs much chafed
appeard to have ben done by tying her head & foot
when or whare I cannot learn went down to P. L. M.
found the house full debating upon the rode disputes
runing high so ends this day
Friday 5 This day commences Cloudy weather found the
mares leg sweld and some stiff light rains cleand Har-
ness this afternoon went with P. L. M. and M"' Cooper
to view Bightley's Spring on approaching the creek
smellt the spring some distance smelt much like Bilg
warter on tasting it resembled gun powder & warter
got caught in the rain returnd at 7 °Clock so Ends this
day Amey & M" Mawney at Doct' Ellis
84 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Saturday 6 This day commences cloudy with light rain in
the afternoon went up to N T sent the Mare to get
shodd wash'^ her Leg found it some better so Ends this
Day
Sunday 7 Oct This day commences Cloudy with squalls of
rain at ^ past 1 1 "Clock tackled up the Chaise Hanah
& Amey startd for a Methodis mariage & Meating got
in sight of the house found they had turnd out all ex-
cept those that belong'^ to the meating they return*^
home. Nicholass & myself on foot so Ends this day
fair wether
11. So Tillinghast ended manv an entrv in his ship's logs.
Other entries in the journal are also reminiscent of his life at sea.
Early Ship Protests
(continued from vol. XXIX, fage 32 )
These ship protests are entered in the second volume
of Rhode Island Land Evidences which are in the
State Archives.
By this publick Instrument of proteste be it known . . .
this day the two & twentieth of March 1701 . . . Came
unto mee Weston Clarke publick Recorder ... of the
Collony of Rhoad Island . . . Benj. Ellery Master of the
Ship Thomas & Susanah'" Burden About one hundred &
Seventy tons belonging to the Island of Barbados in the
west Indies the Sd Master declared . . . that in his voyage
Coming from Saltatudos"'" & bound for Virginia Meatting
with A Squall of wind Lost his fore top mast as Allso in
the Lattitude of thirty three had a greatt Storme & in Sd
storme Sprung his Maine & fore Mast the wind hanging
in the westerne Bord was Driven farr to the Northward
by the wind & Currants & Did after Sd Storme Endevour
to gitt Some port in Order to Repaire his Sd Ship with
EARLY SHIP PROTESTS 85
Masts which proved to be rhoad Island & the Sd Master
Not knowing what Damage is done . . . Doth thare fore
in Such Cases provided SoUomly . . . protest Against the
Sd Seas & badness of Weather for All & Every parte of
the Damages Done . . . thare by unto the Sd vessell . . .
or unto . . . every part of hir Cargo . . . Entred in the
publick Records . . . the day & yeare Above Written
Samll Cranston Govr
Benjamin Ellery, master; Benjamin Church, mate; and
William Hackney, boatswain acknowledged this instru-
ment. (11,146)
By this Publick Instrumt of Protest be it known & mani-
fest that this day being the Seventh of September one
thousand seven hundred and two Came before me Weston
Clark publick Recorder . . . John Cranston master of the
Sloop Elizabeth and Sarah burthen about seventy tons
and Belonging to the Towne of Newport on Rhoad Island
. . . the said Master declared . , . that being at anchor in
Caroloine bay in the Island of Barbados on the Evleventh
day of august Last past was by Stress of winds and weather
forst from his Anchors One of his Cables parting the other
he was forst to Lett slip & send one hand in his boat on
shoar but the Storme . . . continewing soe Vilently all that
day & night following that I could not gett in nor feth
"■' Benjamin Ellery was a Newport man. The reason that his ship
hailed from Barbadoes may have been because he had just purchased her
there. On Feb. 2, 1702/3 this vessel was commissioned a privateer, at
which time her tonnage was estimated at 180 tons.
^^ Salt Tortudas or Salt Tortugas, an island in the West Indies where
salt was obtained, can be identified as the island of Tortuga that lies in
latitude 1 1 ° N off the Coast of Venezuela, cf. Boston News Letter Dec. 1 ,
1748. The English Pilot (p. 54, Fourth Book, London 175 3) referring
to the island of Tortugas which lies in 11° N off the west end of
Margarita says: "And there is more salt than a thousand sail of ships can
carry. All the Land from the Salt Pond to the Roads where Ships lie is
hard strong Ground, but about a league E Ward the shore is sanday and
even level with the sea water (where there is very good white salt to be
had) by reason the Land is Low."
86 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
the place wee came from the next day following I diet
my Endever to gett in but in Vaine the storme being soe
Vilent & when I saw that thare was no possibelety of geting
into the bay I and about seaven of the Clock on the
twelf Day of august Stand away to the northward in order
for Rhoad Island having that day overhaled my provitions
and found it short not more on bord then five peses met''
for Men & boys the Sd master not knowing what Damage
may be done or Sustayneg Either to the Owners fraighters
merchants of this said Sloop by her proseeding hether be-
fore taking in her Laading or Clering according to Law
at the usuale place of Officers Doth therefore according to
the useuale Custom of Marrin affairs and the Laws thereof
in such cases provided Solomnly . . . protest against the
Sd Storme . . . for all and Every part of the Damage done
. . . there by unto the owners freighters & merchants . . .
done by mee ... on board the Sd Sloop . . , this present
Vouage
John Cranston
Sworne''' the day and yeare Above Written Before mee
Samll Cranston Gov ( II, 169)
"' meat
"^ John Brown and Francis Pope sign as witnesses.
87
The Arms of Richard Scott
By Richard LeBaron Bowen
It is claimed, but not proved, that the Richard^ Scott*
of Glemsford, co. Suffolk, England, who emigrated to
New England, was admitted to the church at Boston, 28
August 1 634, removed to Providence, R. I., was descended
from the family of Scott of Scott's Hall, county of Kent,
England.
Arms: Silver three Catherine wheels sable ^
a border engrailed gules.
Crest: A demi griffin segreant sable ^
beaked and legged gold.'\
*Richard' Scott, d. aht. 1680. [Austin, Gen. Diet. R. /., page 372.]
John- Scott, eldest son, d. 1677, said to have been shot by an Indian
while standing in the doorway of his own house at Pawtucket
Ferry. [Austin, Gen. Diet. R. /., page 372.]
JoHN^ 5coTT, eldest son, b. 1664; his mother m. (2) 1678, when
he was 14 yrs. old ; his grandfather Richard d. when he was 1 6 years
old; m. Elizabeth, dau. of Edward and Elizabeth Wanton; sister
of Col. John Wanton, and also aunt of Gideon Wanton, both Gov-
ernors of Rhode Island. \ Austin, Gen. Dirt. R. I., pages 373 and
215].
Catherine'* Scott, 3rd dau. and child, m. 1719, Godfrey Mat-
bone, Newport, R. I., merchant.
'\Burke's General Armory, page 906.
88 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Among the documents in the library of Frederick S.
Peck, of Belton Court, Barrington, R. L, a descendant of
Richard^ Scott, is the original deed given by John'' Scott,
grandson of Richard^ Scott, dated 1712, signed by John
and his wife Elizabeth, and sealed with red sealing wax.
On examination of these wax seals the present writer dis-
covered that the seal of John was of the conventional
knurl design, while the seal of his wife Elizabeth was an
armorial seal of three Catherine wheels ^ a border engratledy
the same heraldic charges as on the arms of Scott of
Scott's Hall. The shield shows no tinctures. Over the helm
is a crest which is a griffin's head erased.
This is the first and only known American evidence
showing that the Richard^ Scott family of Providence, R. I.,
claimed connection with the Scott family of County Kent,
England, which fact is now printed for the first time. It
is also the discovery of a new coat of arms used in the
English Colony of Rhode Island.
The Scott seal on this deed is apparently considerably
older than the 1712 date on which it was used, and
undoubtedly was cut in England, for on comparison the
mantling and general characteristics are found to be very
similar to the seal used by Richard" Smith, Jr., in 1671
on a letter to John Winthrop, Governor of Connecticut, ijl
John'' Scott was a Quaker, which may have been the
reason why he did not use his armorial seal. It was fortu-
nate for those living 227 years after, however, that he
permitted his wife to use it. Martin B. Scott,^ writing of
the family in 1868, says:
"Had Richard Scott brought with him seals, or
other emblems of his ancestry, a rigid Quaker of
those times would have esteemed it a merit to
destroy them j for scarcely a portrait is presented of
the great and eminent Quakers of early times, so
utterly did they detest the fashions of the world."
%Original letter in Winthrop Papers, Xo\. 1 8, page 96, Mass. Hist. Soc.
* N. E. Hist. Gen. Register, \'ol. 22, page 17.
THE ARMS OF RICHARD SCOTT 89
This Quaker theory does not quite satisfactorily explain,
however, why John"* Scott used a plain seal, and his wife
used his armorial seal, for the reason that her family, the
Wanton's, besides furnishing four colonial governors, is
known as the family of "Fighting Quakers." [A^. E. Hist.
Gen. Register^ Vol. 60, p. 174.]
Howard M. Chapin in Colonial Heraldry ^ page 40,
cites a somewhat similar case, where in 1 660 Richard Morris
of Portsmouth, R. I., sealed a deed with some convenient
plain object, and his wife Mary sealed the deed with an
armorial seal, a bend cottised three crescents. These arms
are not listed under Morris in Burke. The witnesses to the
deed were William Dyre (alias Dyer ) and William Baul-
stone, but the arms are not found in Burke under the name
of Dyer nor Baulstone. In the Gore Roll^ No. 29, how-
ever, is found a coat of the same charges for Gillis Dyer,
colonel of the Governor's Life Guard and Sheriif of the
County of Suffolk, Massachusetts Bay, under date of 1713.
Mr. William Allan Dyer has recently discovered a
third use of these arms in America. "In the Massachusetts
Archives [Vol. 129, p. 163] there is a power of attorney
executed on 20 August 1688, by Mary Dyer of Sussex in
Pennsylvania, widow of William Dyer, in favor of her
son William Dyer. Mary Dyer signed and sealed this
document in the presence of John Redwood and Samuel
Atkins and used an armorial seal a bend cottised three
crescents y impaling a jess dance tty between three mullets.
It is indeed significant that another use of these arms by a
member of the Dyer family has been discovered. The
identity of William Dyer of Sussex has been established,
as Major William Dyer, son of William Dyer, one of the
founders of Newport." \R. I. H. S. Collections^ Vol, 26,
p. 76.]
The following is an abstract of the deed:
JOHN SCOTT of Newport in the Colony of Rhode
Island and Providence Plantations, in New England, for
£600 current money deeded to Charles Dyere of Dart-
PHOTOSTATIC ENLARGEMENT OF SCOTT SEALS ON THE DEED
OF JOHN SCOTT AND WIFE ELIZABETH, OF NEWPORT, R. I.,
TO CHARLES DYRE, OF DARTMOUTH, MASSACHUSETTS,
DATED 25 JULY 1712.
From the Original Deed Ozoieii f>\ Frederick S. Peck
BeUon Court, Barrington, R. I.
THE ARMS OF RICHARD SCOTT 91
mouth, in the Countv of Bristol & Province of Massachu-
setts, Blacksmith, a Mansion house and 1 13 acres of land
in Providence, about three miles from the salt water harbor
in Providence, being the northern part of Antashutuck
Minor Neck upon Neosaconkonit River, on the western,
southern, and south eastern side of the river j also, two
lots containing about 12 acres; a meadow containing 3 or
4 acres; a piece of Salt meadow containing 7 or 8 acres,
and a piece of upland," etc. Together with all and singular
the Rights, Liberties, Privileges, including Improvements,
Outhouses, Gardens, Orchards, Fences, Ways, Wastes,
Water Easments and Appurtenances to said house, lands,
etc.
IN WITNESS whereof the sd John Scott hath here-
unto Sett his hand & Seal this five & Twentieth Day of
July in the Eleventh year of or Soveraign Lady Ann by
the Grace of God of Great Britain & Ireland Queen, etc.
Annog Domi 1712
Sealed & Delivered in presence of
Joseph Fay John Scott (Seal)
Tho. Makin Elizabeth Scott (Seal)
[Prov. Deeds, Book 2, pp. 347-8]
To guard against the loss of this deed, or damage to
the seal, with the consequent loss of the evidence, steps
have been taken to make a proper record.''
^ These smaller parcels of land were deeded bv Dver 30 April 1713
to Nathaniel Browne, of Rehoboth, Mass., described as formerly belonging
to Richard Scott. [Proz\ Deeds, Book 2, pages 300-2.]
''At a meeting of the Heraldry Committee of the Nezv Efi gland Historic
Genealogical Society held 29 April 1939, the seal on this original Scott
deed was carefully examined uncier a magnifying glass bv all the members
of the Committee, Robert Dixon Weston, Harold Bowditch, M.D.,
George Andrews Moriarty, F.S.A., Rev. Arthur Adams, F.S.A., Richard
LeBaron Bowen ; and by Anthony R. Wagner, F.S.A., Portcullis Pursui-
vant, of the College of Arms, London, England, and previously by
Howard Millar Chapin, and the arms on the seal were found to be
three Catherine zcheels, a border engrailed, being the same heraldic
charges as on the arms of the familv of Scott, of Scott's Hall, co. Kent,
England, and this fact was recorded in the records of the Heraldry
Committee.
92 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Antiques for February 1933 contained an illustration of
a silver mug owned by Rev. Malbone H. Brickhead of
Wynnewood, Pa., engraved with an impaled coat of arms,
gold two bendlets compony gules and ermine for Malbone,
impaling Silver on a jess between three Catherine wheels
as many lambs f ass ant for Scott. Under the arms are
engraved "Godfrey Malbone, 1 742."
The Collections' for July 1933 under Heraldic NoteSy
reproduced the picture of this silver mug, and said:
"The arms of Scott as engraved on the silver mug
are the same as those of Thomas Scott of Great Barr,
in Staffordshire, as illustrated on page 299 of the
1724 edition (also in edition of 1679) of Guillim's
Display of Heraldry. In the text these arms are
given as argent on a jess gules, cottised a%ure, three
lambs of the first, between as many Katherine-
wheels sable, but in the illustration the cottises are
omitted. Dr. Bowditch suggests that the engraver
may have merely turned to Guillim for a Scott coat,
found that of Scott of Great Barr, Staffordshire, and
then, overlooking the cottises in the description,
copied Guillim's wood cut. He may have shaded the
fees for artistic effect."
The discovery of this Godfrey Malbone mug of 1742
with the impaled Scott arms of a descendant of Richard^
Scott in the fourth generation, the earliest record, and at
that time the only known record of this family having
used arms in America, was, to say the least, a shock to the
genealogists who had been working on this Scott pedigree,
for instead of being the arms of the family of Kent, they
were the arms of another family in England by the same
name, settled some two hundred miles north west in
Staffordshire.
The use of these Staffordshire arms on this Malbone
' R. I. Hist. Sac. CrAlectio/is, Col. 26, pages 98-100.
THE ARMS OF RICHARD SCOTT 93
mug made no sense, for as far as known, none of Richard^
Scott's family came from as far north in England as
Staffordshire, so here was a record of apparently the wrong
arms being used, and the explaining away of this fact was
just one more problem for the genealogist.
Now that we know that in 1712 John ' Scott owned a
Scott seal," thirty years before his son-in-law's silver mug
was engraved in 1 742 with an entirely different Scott coat
of arms, we realize that Dr. Bowditch was right when he
said in 1933 that the engraver didn't know the Scott coat
and simply copied it out of Guillim. At any rate, the
engraver evidently did not read the printed blazon, for
the coat is incorrectly drawn in Guillim and incorrectly
engraved on the cup. See illustration. Incidentally, it is
the only Scott coat of arms in the book, so the engraver
had to use this one or nothing. Also, which is interesting,
Guillim lists no Malbone arms.
The date of 1 742 on this silver mug seems to be sig-
nificant, for on 29 April 1 742 Godfrey Malbone, of New-
port, merchant, purchased a farm of 366 acres with build-
ings, improvements, etc., at Jamestown, R. I., from Col.
Francis Brinley," of Newport, for £10,248.
Malbone seems to have been setting up a pretentious
establishment in Jamestown, and it might be that his
merchant friends in Newport took this occasion to present
him with an engraved heraldic mug. In that case, it might
well have been kept a secret from both Malbone and his
wife, which might account for the use of the wrong Scott
arms.
Summary.
The possession of this Scott seal in 1712 by the wife
of John" Scott, the grandson of Richard', the emigrant,
proves conclusively that the early members of this family
^ Photostat of the seals and signatures in R. I. H. S. M. XI, 11+.
® Austin, Gen. Diet, of R. /., page 25 7.
94
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Chap. VI.
A Display 0.
*' He beareth Argent^
** on a Fefs Gules ^ cotti-
*' fed Azure, three Lambs
" of the F/r//, between as
" many Kj^thertne-v^'\\tt\i
" Sdle^ by the Name of
" Scott ; and is born by
*' ThomM Scott of Great-
" Barr in Staffordjhire ^
" Gent.
PAGE 299, guillim's display of heraldry.
3
in America were using the arms of the Kentish family of
Scott, of Scott's Hall. This Rhode Island seal is apparently
earlier than the date of the deed on which it was used,
because it shows wear, and so it may have been brought
over from England, Even if it were cut in America, it
would have been necessary for the family to have furnished
the seal cutter with the blazon of the arms, for the reason
that these particular arms do not appear in any of the six
editions of Guillim from 1610 to 1724, nor is the present
writer able to find the coat in any of the other less common
early heraldic books." Guillim's Display of Heraldry was
^" An early "Scotte (Kent, added)" coat, 3 Catherine wheels, a border
engrailed, called 'Hate Tudor,''' is shown on p. 200, Harl. MS. No. 6163,
in Tzco Tudor Books of Arfns, ed. by Joseph Foster, De Walden Library,
1904. This coat is perhaps a century earlier than the date Foster assigns to
it, for Anthony R. Wagner, F.S.A., of the College of Arms, London,
England, identifies this MS. in his new book. Historic Heraldry of
Britain, p. 30, as: "Peter Le Neve's Book (British Museum MS. Harl.
6163). Painted Book c. 1490 and later, of some 2000 coats, incorporating
a good deal of earlier 1 5th century matter."
THE ARMS OF RICHARD SCOTT 95
the principal heraldic book used in America in the late
seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries,
Glemsjordy where Richard^ Scott's father Edward was
located, is a parish in the hundred of Babergh in the county
of Suffolk, in the archdeaconry of Sudbury, and diocese
of Norwich, and is located in the southwestern corner of
Suffolk, within about a mile of the northern boundary of
the county of Essex.
Smeeth, where the Scotts of Scott's Hall were located,
is a parish in the franchise and barony of Bircholt, lathe of
Shepway, county of Kent, in the "peculiar jurisdiction and
patronage of the Archbishop of Canterbury," and is situated
in the southeastern part of the county, about seven miles
from the English Channel, and about thirty-five miles
southeast of the southern boundary line of the county
of Essex.
Glemsford, Suffolk, is about eighty miles north of
Smeethy Kent. It is claimed that Richard' Scott's great
grandfather, Edward Scott, moved from Kent and settled
in Suffolk about 1575.
On the following page is a pedigree chart of the Richard
Scott Family which shows clearly where it is necessary to
do additional English research. This pedigree should cer-
tainly be traceable, for the parish registers of Glemsford,
CO, Suffolk, are extant and commence in 1550, and the
proved part of the American end of the pedigree extends
back into England to a time when people of this social and
economic class left wills. Furthermore, it is known that there
were Scotts settled early in Suffolk for a John Skott was
assessed for the Subsidy at Glemsford in 1 524,
96
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
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First four generations of this pedigree from MSS.
who is writing a Soott Genealogj'.
*Mentioned in will of George Scott, of London
[AT. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., Vol. 51.
254.]
Notes of Edward N. Duiilap.
Merchant. [Campbell. 51.]
J^Iuseiim MSS.
tFrederick's Descendants. [Daw's Suffolk Collections. British
Add. 19148, P. 25640.]. Here printed for first time.
tCf. The Visitations of Kent in 1530-1, p. 17.
§Cf. The Visitations of Kent in 1574, p. 30; also. The J'isitations of Kent in 166S
1668, p. 145.
f
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXXII
OCTOBER, 1939
No. 4
hoof, and the other has exactly the shape and size bl' ar'' ■ ^.^
human foot, even the mark of a great toe being pointed 'i f' ^\
out by the lad who explained to me the story. The steps ''''' ''
are three paces apart, and appear thus — ■■^/>/
The " Devil's foot marks," near Wickford.
FROM THE REPORT ON THE GEOLOGICAL AND AGRICULTURAL SURVEY OF
THE STATE OF RHODE ISLAND BY CHARLES T. JACKSON, 1840, PAGE 87.
See page 116 of this issue of the Collections.
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island
CONTENTS
PAGE
The "Devil's foot marks" ..... Cover
Pawtuxet and the Rhodes Family
by Horace G. Belcher . . . . 97
New Interpretations of the Records of the
Island of Rhode Island
by Edward H. West 107
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . 116
Notes . . . . . . . .116
A Journal of my Visits to Rhode Island
April 17, 1776.
by W. Rogers . . . . . .117
RHODE «^E ISLAND
HISTORICAL ^^my SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XXXII OCTOBER, 1939 No. 4
Harry Parsons Cross, President Robert T. Downs, Treasurer
William Davis Miller, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
Pawtuxct and the Rhodes Family
By Horace G. Belcher
To the casual passer-by on busy Narragansett Boulevard
or on Main street where the Greenwich post road begins
on the Warwick side of Pawtuxet it was nothing more than
wreckers tearing down an old house last March. But to
the few that know Old Pawtuxet it was the destruction of
a symbol of Pawtuxet's past glory. For some of the most
vital phases of Pawtuxet's history had their origin in that
house.
From it came a family group of manufacturers and mer-
chants who controlled the prosperity and swayed the destiny
of Pawtuxet for more than a half century, changing it from
a shipping port to a mill village, replacing its declining
West Indies trade with the clutter of looms at Pawtuxet
Falls, at Bellefonte, Natick, Albion, Wickford and else-
where, building homes for themselves still distinguished
for architectural beauty and so stamping their family indi-
viduality on the old village that it might well have been
called "Rhodesville" instead of by the Indian name for
"Little Falls" by which it has been known since its history
began, just over three centuries ago.
98 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The return of the old place to the sleepy country village
it remained until Edgewood began to grow up to it on the
Cranston side and Lakewood on the Warwick, followed the
ending of its industrial era when the Rhodes family ceased
operation of the mills and when its members who had led
this activity passed on or removed from Pawtuxet.
The house, one of the oldest of the group of Rhodes
houses built in or near Pawtuxet village, stood at the bottom
of Main street hill, first in the long line of dwellings ex-
tending along the west side of the old post road to Connec-
ticut and New York. At the time of the Revolution it was
the home of Captain Robert Rhodes, merchant and ship
owner. Here were born Gen. Christopher and Col. William
Rhodes who founded the manufacturing dynasty that
brought to Pawtuxet a century or more ago, wealth and
prosperity to replace the shipping trade for which it had
been noted since long before the Revolutionary War.
From this house spread a wide influence. In the mansion
next door, built by one of the sons born in the old house,
the Providence Journal's most distinguished editor and
Rhode Island's best known Secretary of State married into
the family. The next house, up the hill, has a plate stating
that the north end was built by James Rhodes in 1 734, the
south end added in 1 774 by Malachi Rhodes. It is said that
at one time every house on this side of the old post road
from Pawtuxet bridge to the Golden Ball Inn, now the Cole
farmhouse at the edge of Lakewood, was owned and occu-
pied by a Rhodes.
The old house was a fine looking dwelling in its day,
solid and substantial, expressing the plain, old-fashioned
rugged individuality of Colonial times. Up to the opening
of the century its front door had a remarkably fine brass
knocker and the house expressed dignity and worth. In
later years it grew seedy and neglected, yet it was in sur-
prisingly good condition at the end.
Its age was uncertain. During the Rhode Island Tercen-
tenary a tablet was placed on it reading "Built by James
PAWTUXKT RHODKS FAMILY 99
Rhodes, 1674." This was removed when the historical
committee responsible was reminded that records show
every house in the Pawtuxet settlement was burned by Nar-
ragansett Indians in January, 1676, during King Philip's
War. And James Rhodes, son of Malachi and father of
Robert, was born in 1711.
The land on which it stood was a part of that given by
William Arnold, Pawtuxet's first settler, to his youngest
daughter, Joanna, on her wedding day, March 6, 1 646,
when she married Zachariah Rhodes, who had been living
at Rehoboth, where his name appears with an estate of 50
pounds in the tax list of 58 inhabitants that year.
The land has remained in possession of the Rhodes
family or its connections ever since, finally coming back to
an Arnold. The original deed was made at Boston, for the
Pawtuxet settlers led by Arnold, had then placed them-
selves under jurisdiction of Massachusetts Bay Colony.
The Rhodes lands extended to Spring Green in one
direction, to Norwood and beyond in another, as well as on
the Cranston side of the Pawtuxet River. The family was
a prolific one and as the eldest sons in earlier generations
were named Malachi and in later generations James, it is
not easy to follow. At one time, to judge from Revolution-
ary muster rolls, Pawtuxet must have been almost filled
with Rhodes, leaving scant room for the Aborns — pro-
nounced Eb-on in Pawtuxet until in recent years — the
Sheldons, Remingtons, Smiths.
Zachariah Rhodes was drowned "off Pawtuxet shoare" in
1665. In his will he left to his sons Zachariah, Malachi
and John when they should reach the age of 21 years, "the
lands south of the Pawtuxet river." Malachi died in 1682,
leaving to his son Malachi "all housing and lands and half
of his movables and chattels." This Malachi died August
17, 1714, leaving to his son James among other things,
"Two acres adjoining on Pawtuxet river against the falls,"
undoubtedly including the site of the old house.
James was father of Robert, who was living in the house
100 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
at the time of the Revolution. The date of its building must
have been after 1711, for a map of the "Proprietor's lots
south of the river at Pawtuxet," drawn by William Hopkins
and dated June 28 of that year shows no house on the west
side of the old post road, although "John Rhodes house"
is written on a lot opposite this location. The John Rhodes
lot was intersected by Peck lane, leading to the town wharf,
the house being on the section nearest Pawtuxet bridge.
When Narragansett Boulevard was laid out through
Pawtuxet, a small building of evident great age, used in its
later years as a bakery, was torn down to clear the tip of
the V where Main street and the boulevard joined near
Pawtuxet bridge. This building may have been the old
John Rhodes house.
James Rhodes deeded September 6, 1770, to his son
Robert, "a certain house and lot of land situate being in
Pawtuxet in Warwick, about where he now dwells," which
proved the house was built before that year. The 70-foot
lot was bounded on three sides by land of James Rhodes,
the fourth boundary being the post road. Robert Rhodes
deeded it to his son Christopher, September 19, 1820, de-
scribing it as "the mansion house and estate whereon I now
live." The deed was filed in 1821, after Robert's death.
The property is now owned by the estate of George C.
Arnold.
The wreckers who tore down the old house found only
four large timbers showing signs of having been hewed out
with an adze, these all being in the roof. The others had
come from a saw mill and show very close joining. The
Malachi Rhodes who died in 1714 owned one-half of a saw
mill. He was a Deputy in the General Assembly in 1707,
'08 and 1709, and in 1713 was appointed by the Assembly
on the committee for making the public road from the
Pawtucket River to the Pawcatuck River at Westerly,
straight and passable. He saw to it that this improvement
was applied to the section crossing the Pawtuxet at Paw-
PAWTUXET RHODES FAMILY 101
tuxet bridge and running up Pawtuxet hill, past this old
house.
The house had a direct view down Peck lane, laid out in
1 734 as a town road, but existing long before this as an
approach to the water front, where the town laid out two
slips 20 feet wide at which Capt. Rhodes must often have
seen his coasting and West Indies trade vessels moored.
The lane still maintains its two-century record of never
having been paved.
Robert Rhodes, termed Esquire in the old records to
show his social station as a gentleman and a man of sub-
stance, got his title of Captain from service in the Pawtuxet
Rangers, a military company incorporated in 1774 and
serving in the fort on Pawtuxet Neck and elsewhere during
the Revolutionary War. The company was in Gen. Sulli-
van's army at the battle of Rhode Island, August 29, 1 779
and Captain Rhodes was with it.
He had ownership in vessels sailing from Pawtuxet be-
fore and after the Revolution, for Pawtuxet was a port of
entry from 1790 when the Providence Custom House was
established with a resident Surveyor at Pawtuxet, until
1912 and had a large trade with the West Indies dating
back to the early part of the Eighteenth Century. It fitted
out privateers during the Revolution and as late as 1 832
some 30 schooners and brigs were registered as belonging-
there.
In 1790, when Zachariah Rhodes was Surveyor at the
port, Capt. Rhodes was one of the owners of the sloop Sally,
46 feet 4 inches, 31 tons, built at Warren, 1785; and the
Betsey, 86 tons, built at Harrington in 1 788, sharing owner-
ship in both with James Rhodes, "of Warwick, merchant."
In 1 792 he registered the Nancy, 23 tons, built at Rehoboth,
1790, with James Rhodes, Jr. "of Warwick, Esq." as co-
owner. And he had other vessels as well. In the floor of
the house was found a board six feet long and about eight
inches wide, in which was cut in gilded letters, the name
"Washington," apparently a ship's name board.
102 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
His son, Christopher, born August 16, 1776, was for
five or six years before coming of age, on one or another
of his father's vessels in the coasting and West Indies trade
in which so many Pawtuxet vessels were then engaged that
most Pawtuxet boys went to sea as a matter of course.
Christopher was later in business with his father, their
general store being on the ground floor of the old home-
stead just torn down.
Christopher and his brothers, William and James, all
were born in the old house and all became leaders in Rhode
Island manufacturing in the period when this State turned
from shipping to looms. Christopher and William, as
C. & W. Rhodes operated mills at Pawtuxet Falls, where
the water privilege was first utilized by Zachary Rhodes,
son-in-law ; Stephen Arnold, son and Joseph Carpenter,
son-in-law of old William Arnold, their grist mill being run
for nearly two centuries.
C. & W. Rhodes built at Bellefonte, where they suc-
ceeded so well that they extended their business to Natick,
where they owned about half the village for 45 years. From
1820 to 1823 they leased the Crompton mills, now the
Crompton Company and later they had mills at Wickford
and at Albion.
At Natick, when the first Natick mill was built, they were
members of the company building it. In July, 1815, the
first Natick Company was succeeded by three, one of theni
being the Rhodes-Natick Company. They retained one
mill with 30 looms for making cotton cloth, and also had a
grist mill and several tenement houses for the mill help.
They sold this company in 1852 to A. & W. Sprague.
In the Bellefonte mill they are said to have made the
first of the red tablecloths for years so popular on the
kitchen tables of American working men and farmers.
These were dyed a Turkey red, which gave the mill its
local name of "Turkey red" still heard, although the niill
was long since taken over for other uses.
Incidental to their manufacturing operations they estab-
PAWTUXfclT- RHODES FAMILY 103
lished the Pawtuxet Bank in October, 1814, erecting for its
home the brick buildmg still standing at Main and Bank
streets, a stone's throw from the Rhodes houses. Gen.
Christopher Rhodes was its president from 184-7 until his
death in 1861. The bank removed to Providence when
the Rhodes firm extended its interests outside Pawtuxet and
was located on lower Westminster street from 1 845 until
is closed in 1 872. It was finally wound up in 1 882.
The old bank vault, closed with a door of thick iron
plates and locked with a massive key about nine inches long,
is still in the old bank building.
The bank building, the long house and the tenement
house beside it on Cole street, both built for mill tenements
for the mill on the Warwick end of Pawtuxet Falls and the
Rhodes residences are all that remains as reminders of
Pawtuxet's prosperity as a mill village. The Warwick mill
burned in 1 859.
James Rhodes headed the hrm of James Rhodes and
Sons, who at one tinie operated the Pawtuxet mill and who
are said to have made the first broadcloth in Rhode Island.
His one sister was the mother of Robert Rhodes Stafford,
who as Stafford & Co. also operated the mills at either end
of Pawtuxet Falls. James Rhodes was engaged in business
at Pawtuxet for 60 years. As the Honorable James Rhodes,
he was a Presidential elector in 1808, the sixth Presidential
election, casting his vote for the Federalist candidates,
Charles C. Pinkney of South Carolina for President, Rufus
King of New York for \lce President. He was several
times a member of his party's conventions.
Each of the three built mansions still notable for beauty
of design and finish and each of the three exercised a wide
influence in the community and in the State. P'or genera-
tion after generation they controlled the destiny of Paw-
tuxet and made the Warwick half the more important and
the business centre.
The Christopher Rhodes house, still standing beside the
old homestead, dwarfed it in size and in its design is a fine
104 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
example of the Federalist period, although its situation on
the sidewalk line and with others close on either side, de-
tracts from its beauty. A drawing of its front door is shown
in Antoinette F. Downing's "Early Homes of Rhode
Island," where its date is given as 1 800.
G^n. Rhodes married Betsey Allen of South Kingstown.
In this mansion one daughter, Eliza A., married John R.
Bartlett, Secretary of State from 1855 to 1872, the longest
term of any secretary under the constitution. He is remem-
bered for his 10-volume compilation of the Rhode Island
Colonial Records from the founding of the colony to 1 792.
He was the father of Rear Admiral John R. Bartlett, U. S.
Navy, who spent much of his boyhood in the old house at
Pawtuxet.
Another daughter, Sarah A., here married Henry B.
Anthony, editor of the Providence Journal from 1838 to
1859 when he was elected United States Senator, a post
he held for a quarter-century until his death, September 2,
1884. In 1849 and again in 1850 he had been elected
Governor of Rhode Island, declining a third term.
The third daughter married Joshua Mauran of Provi-
dence.
Gen. Christopher Rhodes got his title from election as
Brigadier General of the Fourth Brigade of R. I. Militia
in May, 1809. From May, 1828 to October, 1831, he
represented Warwick in the General Assembly. From an
early period he interested himself in the substitution of
penitentiary punishments in place of the whipping post and
pillory, then in use here.
In October, 1835 he was appointed by the General As-
sembly one of the building committee for erection of the
State Prison near the Cove in Providence and on its com-
pletion was appointed one of its inspectors, an office he held
until May, 1847. The State Prison stood near the site of
the Rhode Island College of Education, at the foot of
Capitol hill.
Mrs. Downing's book places the building of the home of
PAWTUXET RHODES FAMILY 105
Col, William Rhodes, the junior partner, as probably about
the time of his marriage in 1803 to Sarah Arnold. It is an
imposingly large square-hipped roofed mansion standing
well back from Main street nearly opposite Atlantic Ave-
nue, at the edge of the village and is now owned by Joseph
W. Grimes. The notably beautiful front and back parlors
are shown in illustrations and the small gable-roofed porch
is described in Mrs. Downing's book. The Christopher
Rhodes house also contains an especially fine fireplace.
The grounds of the William Rhodes house are extensive,
running to the Pawtuxet river. There was a story in Paw-
tuxet, years ago, that Col. Rhodes was responsible for that
isolation which for so many years after the mills there
ceased to run steadily, overcame the old place. It was said
that when the Providence and Stonington Railroad was
laid out, the engineers first planned to run it direct to the
bay shore where the Harbor Junction line later reached it.
This would have sent the line through the present Lake-
wood and across the edge of Col. Rhodes' estate, to get to
Pawtuxet and thence up the bay shore. The story goes that
the opposition of Col. Rhodes was influential enough to
change the route to the swing through Auburn which the
railroad has ever since maintained, the result being to send
Pawtuxet into a somnolence from which it did not emerge
until the growth of Edgewood reached it, many years later.
Col. Rhodes was a director in the Pawtuxet Bank and was
president of the Weybosset Bank in Providence from its
founding in 1831 until his death in 1 854.
Col. William Rhodes commanded the Pawtuxet Rangers
but had retired when the organization was incorporated in
1812 as the Pawtuxet Artillery. In 1814, during the sec-
ond war with England, the company appointed a committee
to inform him of "the unanimous desire of the members of
the Corps that he should resume the Command of the same,
Perticulerly at the present critical Juncture."
The committee reported "that Col. William Rhodes had
assented to become a member of the Corpse on the Condi-
106 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
tion of not being fineable for absence when the Company
meet for exercising."
Robert Rhodes Stafford was then chosen Major, Sion A.
Rhodes, Clerk and Treasurer, Charles Rhodes, second
sergeant, Arnold Rhodes, third sergeant, Benjamin Rhodes,
fourth sergeant.
The Pawtuxet Artillery manned the old fort on Paw-
tuxet Neck as its predecessor, the Pawtuxet Rangers had
done during the Revolution. It lasted until 1847, four
years after the State built for it a stone walled armory still
standing at Bank and Remington streets, on the Warwick
side of the village. Its two field pieces, which local tradi-
tion says came from the surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga,
may be seen today in niches on either side of the main door-
way to the armory of the Kentish Artillery on Main street,
Apponaug. Henry Butler, Providence merchant living at
Pawtuxet was its last Colonel, and maintaining the family
tradition to the end — Christopher Rhodes its last Lieu-
tenant Colonel.
James Rhodes, the oldest, was the first of the brothers to
build a mansion. His was a two-story dwelling, erected
about 1790 and standing where a garage is now located,
next to the home of Capt. Robert Rhodes, close to the mill
and near Pawtuxet Falls. The James Rhodes house was
burned in the great Pawtuxet fire of May 2, 1 859, when 28
houses were ablaze at one time. The mill on the Warwick
side of the falls also burned, the fire originating there and
jumping the bridge. The mill was then owned by John T.
Rhodes, the heirs of Peleg A. Rhodes and the heirs of Capt.
Pardon Sheldon. The mill on the Cranston side of the falls
burned on the night of January 25, 1875.
The Warwick mill was built for a woolen mill, and at
one time was rented by James Rhodes for the manufacture
of cotton.
James Rhodes built on his farm which he named Choppe-
quonsett, a short distance below the Ephraim Bowen house,
between Fair street and Narragansett Bay, a large house of
RECORDS OF THE ISLAND OF RHODK ISLAND 107
different design from the others, but no less notable. The
walls of its reception rooms were covered with hand printed
wall paper made in England, which today would be con-
sidered museum pieces. This house was the most elaborate
of the three built by Christopher, William and James.
The Rhodes family sold this estate in 1844, later owners
being Gen. Charles S. James, inventor of the James rifled
cannon and Nicholas Brown, whose wife planted many of
the trees which made the estate so beautiful. Carrying a
bag of white stones she walked about the grounds, throw-
ing a stone over her shoulder at intervals. Wherever a
stone fell, there was a tree of the evergreen family planted.
The house was later bought by a group of prominent Prov-
idence men headed by Col. William Goddard, for a country
club, but burned soon afterward.
The Wyman school now stands near its site and the south
part of the old farm is the present Gaspee Plateau. The
other part of the farm, containing St. Peter's Church, is
also a real estate development already well built up.
Where Pawtuxet once seemed filled with Rhodes, only
one family related to this group of manufacturers and
merchants now remains on the Warwick side of the Paw-
tuxet river. And now the house that represented their start
in industry, is gone.
New Interpretations of the Records of the
Island of Rhode Island
By Edward H. West
When the Island of Aquidneck was settled it was prob-
ably done without any definite plans for future expansion,
and the flrst settlement was made close to the first good
landing place they found and possibly where a clearing
could be made without too much difiiculty. The site of
108 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Newport was bound to be settled upon because of the splen-
did harbor there, but it is doubtful if any of the settlers
saw that harbor until long after they had built their homes
near the cove where they first landed.
Before the first year was over the number of inhabitants
had increased greatly and, although Thomas Bicknell says
there are no records of any denominational differences, it
is unreasonable to suppose that three such determined
leaders as William Coddington, Samuel Gorton and Anne
Hutchinson, each with altogether different ideas, could
get along together in such a small place. Each of them had
his own following, and a combination of any two of these
factions was bound to overpower the other. That is what
actually happened. The Gorton and Hutchinson factions
combined, for the time being, were enough to overthrow
the influence of William Coddington, a condition which
resulted in the founding of Newport by the Coddington
group.
In a letter to John Winthrop, dated 9 Dec. 1639,
William Coddington says about this factional difference
and his overthrow, "It was hatched when I was last in
the Baye." This was probably about the 9th April 1639,
as it was on that date that William Coddington sold to
William Tynge, for a mere thirteen hundred pounds, all
his houses and lands in Boston and Mount Wollaston. Per-
haps it would be well to digress from the Island records
and to refer to the Boston records to show the reader who
believes that all transactions of those early days were as
honest and simple as one could wish, that politics and in-
trigue were not then unknown or unpracticed.
The day after the sale of the Coddington property, it
was mortgaged by Tynge to Coddington, but this was not
all, as an agreement was made whereby William Codding-
ton was to have a right to cut, reap and thresh all his corn
now planted. Also to have liberty to plant a great part of
this land "this spring," as well as cut, reap and thresh the
corn, with chamber room to put it in. Also cellar room for
RECORDS OF THE ISLAND OF RHODE ISLAND 109
milk, house room for servants, and house room forTHTHy
head of cattle until the end of the next whiter, and liberty
to "fetch away" all his cut wood, timber, and felled trees.
When one reads the dedication of John Callender's "Dis-
course" it is plainly seen that Callender had not read the
"Note Book of Thomas Letchford," in which the sale,
mortgage and agreement between William Coddington
and William Tynge is recorded. Callender said that
Coddington "Quitted his large property and improvements
at Braintree for peace sake," but he certainly kept control
of it for some time after he "quitted."
From the records of the Island it is impossible to tell just
when the trouble started, but at a meeting of the freemen,
the 6th 2nd mo 1639, when a place for the impounding of
cattle was ordered, it was ordered to be "sett up in some
convenient place to each towne." From this it would seem
that already another town had at least been discussed. The
records of the meeting held the 28th 2nd mo 1639 are very
scant, and we will have to draw on conjecture to get any
idea of what happened at this meeting, which caused the
Coddington faction to withdraw and to found a new town.
Perhaps William Coddington had not returned from "the
Baye," and was absent from this meeting, thus giving the
conspirators an opportunity to change the form of govern-
ment. According to the records, the only business brought
up concerned a debt owed Jeffrey Champlin and William
Cowlie by William Aspinwall, for which a warrant was
granted for an attachment on the shallop owned by Aspin-
wall. This, as far as William Dyre, the clerk, was con-
cerned, was all the business transacted, and it is very prob-
able that he closed the book, and left the meeting. It is
also very probable that the friends of Coddington held a
meeting elsewhere, for their argument to "Propogate a
Plantation in the midst of the Island or elsewhere" was
supposedly written on that same day. There can be no
doubt that those remaining at the meeting held an election,
and elected William Hutchinson the Judge, and also other
110 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
officers. But as they had no book to record their minutes,
this formality was done away with until they procured a
book. The hrst records in this new book, now called the
"First Book of Portsmouth," tell one of the most peculiar
stories of those days, and they will be taken up in a future
article.
One of the strange things about the Agreement made by
the Coddington faction, is the fact that it was never signed.
To be sure it bears the names of nine men, but they were
all written by William Dyre at a much later date. This
peculiar condition of the records has not been especially
mentioned in the various accounts of those times, ( with the
exception of Mr. Howard M. Chapin, in his "Docunientary
History of Rhode Island," and he did not tell the whole of
the story ) but seems to the present writer to be very signi-
ficant. The agreement was written on a fresh page, as if
Dyre was bound to have the new plantation start with a
clean sheet, but a close study will show that he must have
turned over several leaves of the book before starting to
WTite the records of Newport. The above agreement is to
be found on page 1 1 , and at the bottom of page 1 4 is the
following note — "These two leaves were torne out by ye
G Court March ye 16 1641 & these two forgoing containe
the same orders being again written." Now that was written
on these two leaves that the Court took exception to? That
is a question never to be answered^ nor can one tell how
much of those two leaves were "againe written," or whether
it was written from memory or from the two leaves. If
from memory it may have been inaccurate. One other fact
about the names under the agreement is that Dyre did not
use the same kind of ink as was used in the body of the
agreement, but used the ink with which the "two leaves"
are written, hence the names were probably not written
until the two leaves were "againe written," over two years
after the agreement was supposedly made.
As so much has been said about page 1 1 in the Records
of the Island of Rhode Island, I think that it would be well
RECORDS OF THE ISLAND OF RHODE ISLAND 111
to bring up another subject which is based on the material
found on that same page. The name Pocasset is supposed
by most people to indicate the town of Portsmouth. How
much proof have we that Portsmouth was ever called
Pocasset: Certainly none from any of the letters of Cod-
dington, nor from the Journal of John Winthrop, who
always referred to the Island as "Aquiday." The name
occurs twice on page 1 1 , first at the top of the page and then
in the stated bounds of Newport as "Lands lying North-
ward & Eastward from sd Towne towards Pocassett for the
space of hve miles." Note that it does not say towards the
Tozvne of Pocassett. The name occurs in the records of a
meeting held the 25th 9 mo 1639, at Newport, when it
was ordered "that those Commissioners formerly appointed
to negotiate the Business with our Brethren of Pocassett."
This was three months after the freemen of the upper end
of the Island had voted to call that town Portsmouth. There
is but one other mention of the sanie in the records, and that
is in the division of the land of William Coddington in
1640, where Pocasset highway is mentioned as a bound.
John Callender, in his Discourse, does not go so far as to
give this name to the town, but supposes it to mean the
upper end of the Island. Most writers have spoken of
Portsmouth as first being called Pocasset, seemingly because
some one else said it. If this name was given to the town,
would it not have been used in the records (it is always
spoken of in the records as "this town") and in the letters
of the times: And if it was so named would not the freemen
have voted to change the name to Portsmouth, and not just
have agreed "to call this town Portsmouth":
Perhaps the answer to this lies in an order in the First
Book of Portsmouth, when, at a meeting held on the 4th
of the 12 mo ( 1640 ) in one of the torn records is the fol-
lowing —
"it is ordered that Mr Porter
to lay out for Mr Samuel Hutchinson
in the south east neck in the Comon ( fence)
112 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
unto them both Ruphus Barton to have
Mr Samuel Hutchinson to lye next
of Seven Acres in PoeChasset feil(d)"
This south east neck in the Comon fence is the neck which
ends with Hummock Point. This can be seen from a deed
dated 16 Dec. 1659 (First Book, 309) Richard Bulgar to
Richard Hart, "3 acres in the south east neck of the place
commonly called the Comon fence, bounded on the north
by land of Richard Bulgar, on the east by the Pocasset river,
on the south by a salt pond and a beach, and on the west by
the Great cove." Peter Talman acquired this land with
other lots, and Peter Talman Jun. sold it to Thomas
Durfee, 8 June 1683 (R. I.L. E., 1-169). The deed reads
as follows — "in the place commonly called the Comon
fence — 8 acres — bounded northerly by the land of Richard
Bulgar, easterly by the Pocasset river, southwardly by the
hummock Comonly called Samuel Hutchinsons hummock,
westwardly by the great cove."
This gives us without any doubt the location of Pocasset
Field, on the Pocasset River j the nearest field to the place
called Pocasset, later the Pocasset Purchase. It is this field
which I believe was meant when reference was made to
Pocasset in the early records. It was not a town, but a defi-
nite location to which they could refer, as "in the direction
of," or "the highway to." A peculiarity about the word
Pocasset at the top of page 1 1 , is that it appears to have been
written with the same ink as the later entries, and not the
ink used in the agreement. From the above evidence I
believe that the name Pocasset should never be applied to
Portsmouth, as a town, and if used at all, should be applied
to part of the first, or temporary settlement. I say tempo-
rary, although it was probably not regarded as such when
it was started, but it proved so when the permanent town
developed a little farther south, and the former settlement
became farm land.
Another popular misconception concerns "the spring"
which is mentioned in the early records, the general idea
PORTSMOUTH.
A.W/LL'AM CCO0IN6-T0N
8, JOI<N C LAHKC
C. >>AHOAL HOLDEfM
G. A"C- HOC AS £/t S TO r/
H.EDW. H i/rcH r/yson SR
[. E-D^. HvrcH i\ SOK JR
J. John -S/tV ^<r/f D
I. R'CftAtlt) N*v, h'lAS
Z, PHILLIP SHERMAM
3. &A/V\UCL. GORTOM
X. t^oRy-'^ f^ fELO
Y. WEs'r FIELD
Z. CrUeA^T FIE.LP
EDWAHD K, W£ST.
114 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
being that Founders' Brook ( as it is called today ) was the
spring referred to in all the records. A study of the two
sets of records will readily show that this is not so and that
there were really two springs, some distance apart. The
second order made at the hrst meeting held on the Island,
13th 3rd mo 1638, says "it is also ordered that the Towne
shall be builded at the spring, and Mr William Hutchin-
son is granted and to have six lots for himself & his children,
Layd out at the great Cove." The third order says "also
that a Generall ffence to be made from Baye to Baye, Above
the head of the spring, with five rayles." Had the spring
(now called Founders' Brook ) which is mentioned so many
times in the "First Book" in regard to the location of the
town lots, been meant, the Common Fence would have been
located near the present Sprague Street, a condition which
could not easily be fulfilled according to the description of
the land in the deed of Nicholas Easton. This deed de-
scribes Easton's lot as being bounded on the Great Cove,
and lying partly within and partly without the Common
Fence. This spring is now nearly dried up, but the head
of it is still seen in the form of a pool.
It must be remembered that when the settlement was
first made there were less than twenty-five families, and
the site picked out for the town was amply sufiicient. But
with the advent of many more people, this place proved
too small and after the founding of Newport the town
was built along the second spring, which is now called
Founders' Brook. Evidence of this can be found in the
"First Book" which although torn, still gives an idea of
the number of house lots granted along this brook in the
first few months, after the separation.
When the first settlers sold their lands the deeds were
very vague, and it is almost impossible to locate the sites
with any degree of accuracy. The sites marked on the ac-
companying map will give a general idea of where the lots
of some of the first settlers were located. No deeds are
recorded of the sale of some of these lots, but the sites
RECORDS OF THE ISLAND OF RHODE ISLAND 115
may be discovered in recorded deeds when the unrecorded
lots are mentioned as boundaries.
Between the lots of Nicholas Easton and Edward Hutch-
inson, Sr. was the land of Nicholas Brown, which he sold
to John Wickes, he selling it to Samuel Hutchinson, 3
March 1640. Whether Samuel Gorton had any other lot
than the one shown on the map, I have been unable to dis-
cover. Not all the house lots, as shown on the plat of the
town, were allotted after Newport was founded, as even
before the separation the number of families arriving made
necessary the use of some of this land for house lots.
Although this article takes issue with many of the popular
beliefs about the settlement of the north end of the Island,
and seems to be in contradiction of many of the historian's
accounts, it is based solely upon a study of the actual records.
The man who writes a history of a state can not possibly take
the time to study the history of each town as it should be
studied, and he is bound to miss some of the important
items, especially if the records are torn and the ink faded.
The town of Portsmouth has a very fine set of records
which, if used in connection with those at Providence, gives
a description of the building and the progressive growth of
the town, surpassing the accounts of most of the early
settlements of this land. But they must be read and studied,
and the results must be arrived at without partiality, pre-
conception, or inherent sympathies.
116 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest
Merchants and Mansions of Bygone Days by Elton
Merritt Manuel is a pamphlet of 32 pages published in
1939 at 32 Clarke Street, Newport, R. I.
Historical Sketch of the Baptist Church in Exeter, Rhode
Island by Mary Kenyon Huling of Lafayette, R. I., is a
pamphlet of 27 pages.
Miss Caroline Hazard's The Golden State is a 39 page
booklet of her poems, published by the Schauer Printing
Studio, Santa Barbara, California.
Neijcfort Music in the XVIIIth Century. Charles Theo-
dore Pachelbel and the Berkeley Organ at Trinity Church,
N eivport y R. /., is a recent pamphlet by Erich Taylor of
Newport.
Notes
Mr. Colin MacR. Makepeace has presented to the
Society two lithographed sheets of counterfeit Providence
postage stamps to be added to the Slater collection of
originals, restrikes, and counterfeits of the Providence
postage stamps.
An anonymous friend of the Society has presented the
Devil's Foot Rock to the Society to be held as a public
historical outdoor museum to preserve the famous Devil's
Foot mark of Indian tradition.
See Providence Sunday Journal, July 23, 1939, Charles
T. Jackson's report on the Geology of Rhode Island, and
"The Fones Records."
A Correction
In an article on John Carter by the late John Carter
Brown Woods, in the Collections for October 191 8, Vol. XI,
p. 107, the word "Unitarian" should read "Universalist
»
VISITS TO RHODE ISLAND 117
A Journal of My Visits to Rhode Island
April 17, 1776
By W. Rogers '
April 1 7th, Wednesday.
Left Philadelphia at 9 o'clock A. M. in the Bordentown
Stage Boat, My Family well. Billy innoculated ye Monday
before ye 2d Time for ye Small Pox. Got to Bordentown
in 4 hours. Din'd, Sup'd & Lodged at my good Friend's
Mr. Borden's.
Thursday ye 18th. At Sun Rise took seat in ye Flying
Machine for South Amboy. Breakfasted & Din'd at Public
Houses on the Road. Arrived at 6 P. M. My Fellow Pas-
sengers so complaisant as to abstain from using bad Lan-
guage. An agreeable Disappointment! Cross'd the Ferry
to North Amboy, view'd ye Town, Saw Mrs. Marsh, re-
turn'd the same Evening, sup't & Lodged at South Amboy.
My spirits rather low.
Friday ye 19th. Breakfasted at South Amboy, went on
Board Passage Boat at 8 A. M. for New York, obliged to
come to Anchor for 2 or 3 hours but ye Wind breesing up
fresh & fair weighed Anchor & got to New York at j/4 past
^ William Rogers was born 1751, )uly 4, in Newport, and died 182+,
April 27, in Philadelphia. He was the first student in Rhode Island
College in Warren September 1765, and for a couple of months was the
only student there. He received from the college the degree of A.B. 1 769,
and A.M. in 1772, and also received honorarv degrees from the College
of Philadelphia 1773, Yale College 1780, College of New Jersey 1786,
College of Philadelphia 1790. He was a Brigadier Chaplain in Pennsyl-
vania Line U.S.A. 1778-81. He was Professor of oratory and belles-
lettres College of Philadelphia 1789-92, University of Pennsylvania
1 792-1 811, and held many other important public offices.
He was a brother of John Rogers, my great-great-grandfather, who
was a trustee of Brown University 1798-1810. The original diary is in
my possession and I have had a few copies made and distributed in case
the original is lost. — Theodore Francis Green.
118
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
5 P. M. Providentially met with a sloop called ye Maca-
roni bound to New London, just had Time to get my Trunk
on board & without an Opportunity of seeing any of my
Friends or Acquaintances push'd off from ye wharf at 6
P. M. with Fair Wind & Tide. Run all Night. Slept but
little as my Birth was very hard & the Cabin much crowded
with Passengers. The Commander of ye Sloop was once
Capt. Rogers of New London. Upon Enquiry found our-
selves to be of Different Families. He behaved with great
Civility! The Vessel a Prime Sailor!
Saturday 20th. The Wind fair & fresh. Breakfasted
with small Appetite. My mind much agitated between my
Manima on ye one side & my Billy on the Other. Arrived
at New London at ^^ past One P. M. A fine Passage!
Dined at one Doughlas's a Public House — Towards Eve-
ning waited upon Capt. Shaw where I understood Capt.
Hopkins of ye Cabot lodged. Received an Invitation to
Stay there! Accepted as I was a Stranger in Town! Sup'd
with ye Commodore & about 1 1 w^ent to Rest amazingly
fatigued.
Sunday ye 21st. Much refresh'd with the Preceeding
Night's Sleep. Breakfasted at Capt. Shaw's in Company
with ye Commodore, his son etc. May I always remember
with Gratitude ye Kindness shown me by Capt. Shaw &
I^ady! At j^ past 10 A. M. went on board ye Macaroni to
proceed to Norwich Landing in Company with Capt. Bill-
ings. In 2 hours we went on shore — we had to sail only
14 miles. Dined at a public House, the Keeper's Name was
Mr. Backus. After Dinner went to the Presbyterian Meet-
ing— heard one Mr. Judson preach, his Text Eph. 2. 10
— A Child was christened. I felt no Fellowship with this
Invention of Man's. After Service enquir'd ye Way to Coll.
Malbone's, a valuable Gentleman who resided in ye Town
of Newport till ye late Troubles & with whom I was well
acquainted — he & Family very glad to see me & intreated
me to stay with them that Night. I accordingly did — The
Lord reward them!
VISITS TO RHODE ISLAND 119
Monday ye 22d. Breakfast being Ended walk'd to Nor-
wich Town with Capt. Malbone. Din'd at his Father's —
Spent ye afternoon at the Landing — could get no Horse
to proceed on my Journey. Lodged again at ye Colls. Felt
my Anxiety concerning my Mother increase as I got nearer
home, not being capable of obtaining any Information
whether she was alive!
Tuesday ye 23d. Arose very early — my Trunk sent
away in a Waggon — by Coll. Malbone's friendly Aid
obtain'd an horse for myself. Set off instantly for Provi-
dence in Company with Capt. Billings who was to take ye
Horse back. Din'd at Mr. Dorrance's in Volentown.
Reached Providence towards Evening, lighted & with a
trembling heart went in — found my dear Mother very
low indeed lying stupid & insensible — her Disorder being
principally in her head & of ye nervous convulsive kind.
She knew me not — my heart was full — Lord, what is
Man! Here I saw Ciranmamma, Aunt Thurston, Becky,
Abby, Dan'l. & Family, etc. etc. All well as usual! In the
Evening was visited by President Manning. After Supper
& Prayer retir'd to Rest.
Wednesday ye 24th. After Rising went in to see Mamma,
she was lying in One of those Fitts of which I am told she
has had many, from Morning till Night she thus continued
without taking any Notice of Persons or things — Dr.
Arnold coming I was very particular with him respecting
her Disorder. He told me it was not explicable & intimated
yt. All Hope was gone. We all expected she could not
continue long. Din'd at Home — P. M. went to see Mr. &
Mrs. Manning drank Tea & return'd. Sat part of ye Eve-
ning at Cousin Sweeting's. At Bed Time Mamma no better.
I never expected she could without Immediate Relief live
till Morning. My Fortitude was gone but Religion was my
Stay.
Thursday ye 25th, Our dear Parent was reliev'd in Some
measure From her preceeding Day's Illness & talk'd con-
siderably but entirely flighty. She still knew me not but
120 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
call'd me at different Times by different Names — my
Situation was peculiarly trying! — Din'd at Home — Trunk
arriv'd — Lydia's Cloaths all Safe & undamag'd. In ye
Evening went to Conference at Baptist Meeting. Para-
phras'd on a Few Verses out of 1st Thess: 5th Chapj was
much comforted i Spoke to Several of my old Acquaintances
was desir'd to visit them. The Cause of Jesus here appears
to have many Advocates! May they go on & prosper —
Friday ye 26th. We discover'd a Surprising Alteration
in Mamma for ye better. Joy sat on our Countenances!
Tho' for ye greatest Part of ye Morning She was prodi-
giously out yet about Noon She talk'd quite rational & re-
peatedly called me by Name. In ye Afternoon She sat up
for 2 or 3 hours in ye easy Chair & was quite compos'd —
Dr. Arnold encourag'd upon finding an Evacuation of Mat-
ter from ye Head. Spent ye Day at home till just at Dusk
— was in hopes of hearing from my Wife & Child but did
not. Previous to going to Bed Mamma desir'd me to attend
Evening Prayers in her Room. This Day Dan'l & Nancy
went to Housekeeping. Capt. Whitman call'd to See me.
Saturday ye 27th. Mamma much the same as ye pre-
ceeding Day — only rather more free from Bewilderment
— a happy Change! Din'd at home P. M. President Man-
ning & myself waited on Gov. Cooke — drank Coffee
There. Spent ye Evening in Retirement to prepare for
The Sabbath.
Sunday ye 28th. Preached in ye Morning & at Candle
Light for the President, Felt much Freedom. The Presi-
dent preached in ye afternoon himself from St. Math:
28.18. Dined at his House — At >^ past 4. One Mr.
Waterman was baptised, many People present. Drank
Tea at Danl's in Company with Mr. Hardy of Philada.
Mamma this Day no better & we hope no worse Than
yesterday. She sat up a little & was at Spells Something
flighty. We are fearfully & wonderfully made! — Re-
pair'd to Bed considerably fatigued as is usual with one
after Engagedness in Preaching —
VISITS TO RHODE ISLAND 121
Monday ye 29th. Mamma not quite so well tho' very
comfortable & much compos'd in Mind. Visited several of
my Friends — Din'd at Mr. Dabney's. Call'd to see a
Sick Woman, convers'd & pray'd with her, she appear'd to
be under much Soul Concern. Uncle Thurston came up,
was extremely glad to see him — May we all be prepar'd
to meet in Heaven —
Tuesday ye 30th. No material Alteration in our dear
Mother. Din'd at Cousin Sweeting's with Uncle Thurs-
ton — PM heard Mr. Snow preach before an Independent
Company from Luke 3.14. There were many anxious mili-
tary Remarks in the sermon to some people perhaps ac-
ceptable. Drank tea at Mr. Foell's & spent ye evening at
Daniel's. Forwarded a Letter per Post to my Wife at
Philada. and another to Robert at Westerly. For ye most
Part of this Day it was very rainy.
Wednesday May ye 1st. About 9 o'clock Mamma had
a Fit of ye convulsive kind intermix'd as ye Dr. says with
something of the Apoplexy, at 12 she had another, both
were short but hard, out of each she recover'd in the free
Exercise of Reason and manifested by her conversation &
Deportment the utmost Resignation to the divine Will!
All of us much shock'd. The great Jehovah prepare us
for whatever may await us! This Day was ye Gen'l. Elec-
tion for ye Colony, the Gov. Council & House of Deputies
were escorted to ye Court House & back again by 2 Com-
panies belonging to ye Town. I din'd at Mr. Wellcome
Arnold's. Saw many of my Newport Acquaintances.
Tommy Gair call'd to see me, he expects to settle at Med-
field. He appears promising. Received a Letter from
Bobby pressing me on my Return to stay a Night with him
at Westerly.
Thursday May ye 2d. After Breakfast Uncle Thurston
Aunt Fanny took leave of ye Family & set out for Newport.
Din'd at Mr. Foster's. In the Afternoon visited Commo-
dore Hopkin's Family, drank Tea There. Mamma all this
Day long very stupid & insensible having in the Morning
122 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
had 2 Fitts — much Discourag'd — our Hope gone! May
God of his infinite Mercy draw nigh unto her and put
underneath her his everlasting Arm! Spent ye Evening
at home — endeavor'd frequently to talk with Mamma but
it signify'd nothing —
Friday May ye 3d. Mamma this Day as yesterday exclu-
sive of ye Fitts. She took a Psike which operated gently —
nature appears to decay fast. The western Post arrived.
Received a Letter from my dear Wife of ye 27th. Ult.
Herself well 6l my sweet Boy like to have ye small pox.
Favorable, for which may zve ye Parents praise the Lord
& be enabled to Dedicate him to ye service of his all gracious
Preserver. Din'd at Danl's, very agreeably entertain'd.
At 4 o'clock P. M. set out for Warren, arrived between
6 & 7. Drank Tea at Mr. John Child's — sent for Mr.
Thompson, he came, talk'd as much together as ye Time
would allow — went to Cousin Comer's, spent a very
sociable Evening — the Family all well! Sup'd, attended
Duty and Repair'd to Beci.
Saturday ye 4th. Breakfasted at Cousin Comer's — left
there at 9 o'clock A. M. — got to Newport at One — put
up at Uncle Thurston's, after Dinner saw Brother Johnny,
Aunt Sanford, Cousin Abby, etc. — all in usual health!
P. M. visited ye Battery at ye Point, a surprising Alteration
in the Town! Oh that our Affection may be wean'd from
ye. Things of Time & sense! The Lord hear the Prayers
which are daily put up in Behalf of the Place & still spare
it for his People's sake. Drank Coffee at my worthy Uncle's.
Afterwards took a little walk. In the Evening Dr. Easton
call'd to see me. Supper & Family Prayer being over went
to Bed. Much cast down upon hearing a Relation of the
Distresses the dear Lihabitants have had to pass through —
forgot to mention that in Crossing Bristol Ferry saw a Fort
building & was informed that on ye Rhode Island side a
Place was also mark'd out for One for ye. Defence &
Security of that important Pass — No Men of War in ye
Harbor.
VISITS TO KHODK ISLAND 123
Sunday ye 5th. Preached both Parts of ye Day for Uncle
Thurston. Ye House fuller than 1 expected, so many
People having left ye Town — felt very comfortably. In
ye Afternoon sat down at ye Table of ye Lord — would
to God I could enjoy such opportunities frequently — saw
many young Newport Friends & Acquaintances — greatly
pleas'cl with ye Solemnity apparent among the Negro
Members at ye Time of Communion. Breakfasted & Din'd
at Uncle's — Drank Tea at Aunt Sanford's, Johnny with
me. In ye Evening call'd to see Cousin Burroughs who is
far gone in Consumption — pray'd with him, he appear'd
resign'd to ye divine Will — After spending a few moments
with him repair'd home.
Monciay ye 6th. Breakfasted at Uncle Thurston's. In
Company with him din'd at Bro. Johnny's apartment.
Wrote a Letter & sent it per post to mv dear Mrs. Rogers,
visited some few families. P. M. Coll: Richmond waited
upon Llncle & myself to the Battery which is with much
Spirit erecting at Brenton's Point near ye mouth of ye
harbor, the Inhabitants of Newport work here in Rotation.
After this ye Coll. went with us to ye Fort on Goat Island,
Breastworks are here carried up with great Rapidity & ap-
pear vastly advantageous. Drank Coffee at Wm. Anthony's
who lives in One of our houses — ye other 2 are also occu-
pied. All Rent free — The Fences round our several lots
& useful Garden taken away entirely & burnt, such Havoc
mine Eyes never before beheld! Houses torn to Pieces
etc. Johnny towards Evening walk'd with me about ye
Town — call'd on Uncle Rogers — rather Fatigued which
made me anxious to seek after Refreshment in ye Arms of
Sleep.
Tuesday ye 7th. Purpos'd this Day returning to Provi-
dence but it being rainy was detain'd in Newport. Break-
fasted & Din'd at Uncle's — After Dinner went to ye Print-
ing Office & drank Coffee with Mr. Southwick. Towards
Evening call'd on Bro. Johnny & took a walk to ve Point
Fort. In the Evening waited on Dr. Stiles at Mr. Trevett's,
124 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Our conversation wholly political, the Dr. is a very curious
Gentleman — heard that 22 Towns in the Government
were for Independancy — the Upper House chose not to
meddle with it untill establish'd by Congress — they voted
out taking ye Oath & Allegiance.
Wednesday ye 8th. After Breakfast took Leave of John-
ny, Aunt Thurston etc. & set out for Providence. Uncle
accompanied me 8 Miles from Town — Oh that I may
treasure up in my Memory the excellent Advice given me
by a Friend so sincere ! In Bristol call'd upon Cousin Comer
& Family but did not light from my horse — got to Warren
little after 12 & din'd at Mr. John Child's, visited Mr.
Thompson & Mr. Lyndon. About Noon it began to Rain
which render'd the latter part of my Journey very dis-
agreeable so that by ye Time I reached Providence I was
thoroughly wet, it being 5 o'clock P. M. when I arrived —
Mamma I found extremely low, having had while I was
absent several other Fitts, to me there appear'd a visible
Change, her Countenance savor'd more of Paleness & her
Strength almost gone, she was lying very stupid & insensi-
ble. Mr. Hardy of Philada. supp'd with us — having at-
tended Prayer in Mamma's Room was desirous of Rest
being much fatigued with my Day's Ride.
Thursday ye 9th. This morning Pricilla Brown came to
our House — Breakfasted at home — walk'd out — Din'd
at home. In ye Afternoon rode 2 or 3 miles with Mr.
Manning, upon my Return discover'd an affecting Altera-
tion in my dear Mother — we with other Friends present
judg'd her to be near her End. How severe ye Rod! Went
to Bed expecting every Moment to be call'd up to see her
no more a living Person! Her Strength far gone as to in-
capacitate her for Conversation. Wrote a Letter to Uncle
Thurston upon ye subject. Felt much Dejected —
Friday ye 10th. This Day Mamma no better. All of us
much alarm'd — How awfull is Death in his Approach!
Many Friends visited us but alas they cannot supply ye
Place nor make up ye loss of ye best of Parents! Tarry 'd
VISITS TO RHODE ISLAND 125
at home excepting a walk after Dinner to ye Post Office
in hope of hearing from my Wife & Child but was sorrow-
fully disappointed. Mr. Manning in the Evening pray'd
with the Family — When we are about being depriv'd of
any earthly Blessing how are we taught to prize ye same —
Oh for submission to ye Will of God who does what is
Right.
Saturday ye 11th. A Day ever to be remember'd by us,
at 1 2 o'clock A. M. our dearest Mother Departed this Life,
she dyed seemingly with greater Ease than any of us had
Reason to Expect — Oh that my last End may be like her's!
Blessed are they who dye in ye Lord! May Jehovah be a
Friend to ye Motherless & a Father to the Fatherless! Oh
that all of us may be preserv'd as in ye hollow of his Hand!
Concluded to have the Body carried to Newport & interr'd
by the side of her Husband and Children — Sent off Mr.
Ingraham express to Newport & Westerly — Visited & as-
sisted by a Number of Friends! In the Evening Mr. Man-
ning call'd and pray'd with us — "Lord, have Mercy upon
me and so teach one to number my Days to Apply my heart
with Wisdom" — Heard that Mr. Pechin of Philada. an
Acquaintance of Mine had come to Town, sent a Serv't. to
learn whether he had brought any Letters for me. None
sent. A Circumstance wch had a Tendency to add to my
Grief — surely my dear Wife was ignorant of an Oppor-
tunity wch would have prov'd so favourable.
Sunday ye 12th. Arose at Yi past 3 in ye Morn. A
number of Friends came to our House and after taking
Breakfast we went with the Body of our dear Mother to
the Passage Boat & got underWay a little before five — 6 of
us Children accompanied with Mrs. Manning, Gran-
mamma, Becky, Sanford, Sally Drown, George Benson,
John Jones & Mr. Godfrey — the Wind tho' at first flatter-
ing yet in less than 2 hours breez'd fresh and fair so that
we got to Newport all safe at 1 0 o'clock. The meeting with
Bro: Johnny, Uncle & Aunt Thurston & other Relations
upon an Occasion so sorrowfull was truly affecting — like
126 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Job & his Companions we were all a considerable Time
mute, The Body was taken to Uncle's — We all spent ye
Day there together, many call'd in to see & condole with
us. In ye Evening there was a Conference at Uncle's. Mr.
Bliss attended & Much comforted us in Exhortation and in
Prayer — Over Fatigue of Body & Mind almost Overcome
me — "Oh my dear Mother, would to God I had dyed for
Thee, but his Will be done." When my Father & Mother
forsake me, the Lord will bear me up.
Monday ye 13th. Having lodg'd at Uncle's slept all
Night better than I expected. In ye Morning awoke with a
bad Head Ach — Rob't arrived before Breakfast very much
fatigued — 8 of us ye surviving children at ye dear De-
ceased now together. Wrote a Tetter to my Wife & One to
Mr. Trickett & sent them away per post — Cousin Comer
got down. My Spirits very low — P. M. People met for
the Funeral, at 4 o'clock the Corpse was taken to Uncle's
Meeting House where a suitable Sermon was preached on
ye Occasion by Mr. Wm. Bliss from Rev. 14:13. "And I
heard a Voice from Heaven, saying unto me, W^rite, Blessed
are the Dead which dye in the Lord, from Henceforth" A
very respectable Concourse of People present. After Ser-
mon we went to ye Grave and paid ye last kind Offices to
ye precious Relicks of our dearest Mother — where she is
to sleep until ye Resurrection of the Just — How doubly
near do my Brothers and Sisters seem now — God grant that
we may all be One in Grace as we are in Nature — Retur'd
to our dear Friend's & Father's habitation and in the Eve-
ning enjoy'd much X-tian Conversation.
Tuesday ye 14th. Breakfasted at Uncle's — Walk'd out
with Rob't to see some of our Acquaintance, Din'd at Aunt
Sanford's — P. M. Rode with Josey to Cousin Stoddard's,
drank Tea there, had considerable Conversation on serious
Matters with Polly & Abby. Spent ye evening at Mr.
Barker's, return'd to Uncle's, sup'd, attended Duty & went
to Bed.
Wednesday ye 1 5th. About 1 2 o'clock myself and Fam-
VISITS TO RHODE ISLAND 127
ily took leave of our Newport Relations & set out for Prov-
idence in Wescott's Packett — arrived at 4 P. M. — At 6
One of ye Frigates was launch'd — Drank Coffee at home —
Spent ye Evening at Mr. Brown's in Company with Dr.
Morgan of Philada.
Thursday ye 16th. This Day remarkably warm. Mr.
Lopez came to view our house & engages to take it at ye
Rate of 1 30 Dollars pr. year, if he stays in it a shorter Time,
he is to give more — Went to Presidt. Manning's & din'd
there — Josey &c busy in measuring & taking an Acct. of ye
Shop Goods — Drank Coffee at Danl's in Company with
Mr. Pechin. Return'd home, in the Evening we look't
over ye Money appertaining to ye Estate — as an Adjustmt
of temporal Matters among us becomes necessary in Con-
sequence of our Mother's Death.
Friday ye 1 7th. This Day was observed as ye general
Fast advertised by Congress — Went to Baptist Meeting.
Mr. Manning & myself carried on ye Forenoon Service by
Reading, Exhortation & Prayer — In ye Afternoon he
preached an excellent Sermon from Isaiah 58.1. After
Service walk'd home with Mr. Manning and tarried there
till Evening — Spent ye Evening at Mr. Carter's the
Printer of ye Providence Gazette —
Saturday ye 1 8th. Uncle Thurston came up to assist us —
din'd with him at Danl's. P. M. Wrote a Letter to my dear
Hannah and to Mr. R. Jones & Spent y'm by Mr. Jno
Brown. Visited by Mr. Nathan Cole of Rehoboth who was
formerly at my house in Philada. with Mr. Winchester.
Sunday ye 19th. A. M. Presidt. Manning preached a
Sermon to ye Family upon Acct. of our Mamma's Death
from 1 Cor: 7.29 — 31. — A very suitable Discourse, the
Advice given to ye Children God grant we may all Re-
member & put in Practise — P. M. 2 O'clock I preached
from 2 Kings 20. 1. last Clause — At 6 Uncle Thurston
preached from Philip: 4.4 People very attentive — This
day din'd at honie — Spent part of ye Evening at Mr. Nich-
olas Brown's —
128 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Monday ye 20th. At home all Day, employed in prising
& dividing ye household Furniture — Visited by Cousin
Sweeting & Mr. Godfrey —
Tuesday ye 2 1 st. Early in ye Morning Uncle Thurston
went away — Employed all Day & in ye Evening as ye
preceeding Day — In ye Afternoon Mr. Pechin of Philada.
call'd & drank Tea with us —
Wednesday ye 22d. This Day busy upon the Same Mat-
ters as took up my Time on Monday & Tuesday.
Thursday ye 23d. Finish'd ye Sale of Household Furni-
ture among ourselves & in ye Afternoon had a Vendue for
what Remain'd. Mr. Backus in Town & visited me; Sup't.
at Danls. went to Cousin Sweeting's & lodged,
Friday ye 24th. Din'd at Nicholas Brown's wth Robert
— Post got in, no Letter for me. Busy at Abby's ye main
Part of ye Day in Estate Matters. Sup't & Lodged at
Cousin Sweeting's —
Saturday ye 25th. A. M. Danl. Set out for Newpt. to
have Mamma's Will proved. Din'd at Cousin Sweeting's.
P. M. Employed in looking over Some Family Papers.
In ye Evening Return'd to where I had lodged ye 2 pre-
ceeding Nights — previous to going to Bed Spent a few
moments in Meditation.
Sunday ye 26th. Attended Baptist Meeting and preached
in ye Morning. Mr. Manning preached in ye Afternoon
from 2. Cor: 3.18. In the Evening we went to ye Society
& I expounded the 7th Chap. St. Mathew. Afterwards
agreeable to promise went to Nich's. Brown's at whose
house I tarried all Night. Din'd at Abby's & drank Tea
at Mr. Manning's.
Monday ye 27th. Breakfasted at Nich's. Brown's in
Company with Mr. Binney. Din'd there also — spent ye
major Part of ye Day in walking about. In ye Evening
repair'd to Presid't. Manning's and tarried all Night. No
material Occurrence!
(To be Concluded.^
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXXIII
JANUARY, 1940 No. 1
\SMZ
:^»i^o>
FL.'\G OF NEWPORT LIGHT INFANTRY
Sef Page 1
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island
CONTENTS
Newport Light Infantry
by Paul Francis Gleeson
PAGE
A Journal of my Visits to Rhode Island
by W. Rogers,
14
Early Ship Protests
18
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest
19
List of Members
• •
20
ov^ls^o^'
OP DOOUtftO^
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XXXIII
JANUARY, 1940
No. 1
Harry Parsons Cross, President
William Davis Miller, Secretary
Robert T. Downs, Treasurer
Howard M. Chapin, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
The Newport Light Infantry
By Paul Francis Gleeson
The Newport Light Infantry was one of that group of
military companies incorporated just prior to the Revolu-
tion by the General Assembly. Some of the others chartered
at this time were the Providence Grenadier Company, Paw-
tuxet Rangers, Scituate Hunters and the Kentish Guards.^
In the early autumn of 1774 a group from Newport
formed this new military organization. These men viewing
with much concern "the low State of Military Discipline in
this Colony" wished to form a company to perfect them-
selves in the same "by more frequent and regular Exercises
than can be had in the Militia in its present State."" As a
result, the General Assembly, at its session on the last
Wednesday in October, was petitioned for a charter.
This document, which was prepared by the company
and which was passed by the Assembly, with certain modifi-
cations, reads as follows:
^ Richards, John j., Rhode Isla/uPs Early Deje/iders, pp. 18-19.
- Petitions to the Rhode Island General Assembly, \'o\. 1 S, p. 115.
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
"Whereas the Preservation of this Colony, in Time
of War, depends, under God, upon the Military Skill,
and Discipline of the Inhabitants: And whereas a Num-
ber of the Inhabitants of the Town of Ne'ucport, to wit:
Jabez Champliny Caleb Gardner^ Elisha Lazvtoriy Ben-
jamin L. Peckham, Samuel Spooner^ Samuel C. Carry
Joseph Hilly George Gardner, Jonathan Wallen, Noel
Allen, Jonathan Simmons, Lemuel Bailey, William
Tew, Moses Watson, James Cullio, Philip Moss, Henry
Dayton, Wing Spooner, Nathaniel Otis, Samuel Stevens,
Thomas Stevens, Joseph M^hicher, Thomas Hughes,
JoJm Topham, Hezekiah Dayton, Robert Dunbar,
Stephen Hawkins, Nathaniel Gladding, James Bell,
Samuel James, Jonathan Yeates, John Stevens, jun.,
Jeremiah Phillips, William Donham, Nathaniel Jenkins,
Joseph Lyon, William Tripp, Thomas Dunton, Jonathan
Pierce, and R. RennohPs Barker, have offered them-
selves to begin, and, with such others as are, or shall be,
added to them, to form themselves into a Company, by
the Name of the Newport Light Infantry, in the County
of Newport, and by their humble Petition, prayed this
Assembly, to grant them a Charter, with such Privileges,
and under such Restrictions and Limitations, as this As-
sembly might think proper:
"Wherefore, this Assembly, in Order to give all due
Encouragement to so laudable a design, have Ordained,
Constituted, and Ciranted, and by these Presents do
Ordain, Constitute, and Grant, That they, the Petitioners
before-named, together with such others as shall be here-
after added to them (not exceeding the Number of One
" Jabez Champlin was born on August 31, 1728 the son of the second
Christopher Champlin. He was long prominent in the military and civil
life of Newport County. In 1776, in his capacity as High Sheriff,
Champlin took the charter out of the house of Governor Wanton when
the latter refused to take the oath of office. Having achieved the rank of
Brigadier-General, he resigned from the command of the Newport and
Bristol County Brigade in May, 1793.
NEWPORT LKillT INFANTRY
Hundred, exclusive of Officers ) be, and they are hereby,
declared to be an Independent Company, by the Name
of the Newport Light Infantry, for the County of New-
port: And by that Name they shall have perpetual Suc-
cession, and shall have and enjoy all the Rights, Powers,
and Privileges, in this Grant hereafter mentioned.
"Imprimis, It is granted unto the said Company that
they, or the greater Number of them, shall, and may,
once in every Year, that is to say, on the last Tuesday in
April y meet and assemble themselves together, in some
convenient Place by theni appointed, then and there to
chuse their Officers, to wit: One Captain, Two Lieu-
tenants, One Ensign, and all other Officers necessary for
training, disciplining and well ordering of the said Com-
pany — At which Election no Officer shall be chosen,
but by the greater Number of Votes then present: The
Captain, Lieutenants, and Ensign, to be approved of by
the Governor and Council, for the Time being, and shall
be commissioned, and engaged, in the same Manner that
other Military Officers, in this Colony, are.
"Secondly, That the said Company shall have Liberty
to meet and exercise themselves upon such other Days, and
as often, as they shall think necessary, and not be subject to
the Orders or Directions of the Colonel, or other Field-
Officers of the Regiment, in whose District they live, in
said Meeting and Exercising: And that they be obliged
to meet for Exercising, at least. Four Times in the Year,
upon the Penalty of paying, to and for the Use of the
said Company, the following Fines, to wit: The Captain,
for each Day's Neglect, Forty Shillings, lawful Money,
the Lieutenants and Ensign, each Twelve Shillings, law-
ful Money, the Clerk, the Sergeants and Corporals, each
Twelve Shillings, lawful Money, and the common Sol-
diers each Six Shillings, lawful Money, to be levied by
Warrant of Distress from the Captain or Superior Officer
of said Company, for the Time being, directed to the
Clerk.
RIIODK ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
"Thirdly, That the said Company, or the greater
Number of them, shall have Power to make such Rules
and Orders, among themselves, as they shall think nec-
essary to promote the End of the Establishment j and
to lay such Fines and Forfeitures upon any of their own
Company, for the Breach of any such Rules and Orders,
as they shall think proper, so as the same exceed not
Twelve Shillings, lawful Money, for any Offence. And
also shall have full Power to levy the said Fines and For-
feitures, they shall so impose, by a Warrant of Distress
from the Captain or superior Officer of the said Com-
pany, for the Time being, directed to the Clerk.
"Fourthly, That all those that shall be duly inlisted
in the said Company, so long as they shall continue there-
in, shall be exempted from bearing Arms, or doing mili-
tary Duty, Watching and Warding excepted, in the sev-
eral Companies or Trained Bands, in whose District
they respectively livej excepting such as shall at any
Time be Officers in any of the said Companies.
"Fifthly, That the commissioned Officers of the said
Company, from Time to Time, shall be of the Court-
Martial, and Council of War, in the Regiment in whose
District they live.
"Sixthly, If any Officer, or Officers, of the said Com-
pany shall be disapproved, by the Governor and Council,
or shall remove out of the said Town of Newporty or
shall be taken away by Death, that then, in either of those
Cases, the Captain of the said Company, or the superior
Officer, for the Time being, shall call the said Company
together, as soon as conveniently may be, and choose
another, or others, in the Room of such Officer or Officers,
so disapproved, removed, or taken away by Death, in the
same Manner as is herein before-described.
"Seventhly, And for further Encouragement of the
said Company, it is further Granted to the said Company,
that the Captain of the said Company shall be of the
NEWPORT LIGHT INFANTRY
Rank of a Colonel, the First Lieutenant of the Rank of
a Lieutenant-Colonel, the Second Lieutenant of the
Rank of a Major, and the Ensign of the Rank of a
Captain,
"Eighthly, That the said Company, in the Time
of an Alarm or general Review, shall be under the
immediate Direction of the Captain-General of the
Colony j and shall hold the Rank, and Station, of the
First Independent Company, in the County of Newport:
And that the Officers be commissioned accordingly.
"Which aforegoing Charter was Voted to be accepted,
and to pass as an Act of this Assembly: And it is Ordered,
that the Secretary draw a fair Copy of the said Charter,
sign the same, affix the Colony Seal thereto, record it in
the public Records, and present the said fair Draught,
signed and sealed as aforesaid, to the said Company."*
On the same day, October 28, 1774, when this act was
adopted, the following were approved as officers for the
new company: Jabez Champlin, captain, Caleb Gardner,
first lieutenant, Elisha Lawton, second lieutenant and
Samuel Spooner, ensign." Within two weeks, however, two
of these resigned, Caleb Gardner being succeeded by
Charles Spooner on November 2 1st, and on Dec. 2d Elisha
Lawton's position being filled by James Tew, jun. The
record of these changes sent to the Governor and Council
for their approval was witnessed by Benjamin L. Peckham,
clerk of the company.''
Many of the New^port people supported this new
organization, one of the most active being the Hon. Henry
Marchant, Attorney-General of the Colony. On Novem-
ber 15, 1774, the latter wrote as follow^s to John Hancock
in Boston concerning the possibility of securing arms and
colors for the new chartered command:
^ Rhode Island Acts and Resohes, October, 1 774, pp. 93-97.
^ Petitions to the Rhode Island General Assembly, \o\. 1 5, p. 115.
"^ Petitions to the Rhode Island General Assembly, \'ol. 1 5, p. 119.
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
"Honored Sir,
The publick Light you so honorably stand in through-
out at least our American World will bring upon you
some Inconveniences, if not Impertinent Applications.
I am afraid mine will be Onej but I make it to oblige
others and in so doing to oblige myself.
A Military Spirit is diffusing itself with the greatest
Rapidity thro' every Part of this Colony. Several Com-
panies are formed and forming in this Town. I am
desired by one of those Companies to enquire at Boston
whether Sixty or Seventy neat good Arms can be pur-
chased there and at what Price. It is desired their
Colours should be made of the neatest, best Silk of a
blue Ground with the Union at One Corner, and upon
a Square in the Center it is my Idea to have a Female
Figure representing the Genius of America Standing
erect with a Staff in her Right Hand and the Cap of
Liberty upon the Top of it. In her left Hand, either
the Bible or America's Bill of Rights, and under her
Feet, Chains, the Badge of Slavery. The following
Motto in some proper Place: Patria Cara, Carior Liber-
tas. And, if a proper Place can be found, to have the
Colony Arms, being no more than a plain Anchor.
What is desired of Mr. Hancock is that he would
inform me respecting the Fire Arms and apply to Mr.
Copely to know what he would undertake to furnish
the Silk and to paint Them for (the Colours). Mr.
Hancock's and Mr. Copely's Advice is asked as to the
above Design, with such Alterations and Amendments
therein as their better Taste and Judgement shall with
Freedom point out. And this is desired, tho' Mr.
Copely's Terms for executing Them should be beyond
what the Company may be able to comply with, as in
that Case they must submit to an Inferior Hand here.
Mr. Hancock will much oblige the Company here and
the more so shall I be obliged, if he will pardon this
Application from his most obedient humble Serv^
H-' Marchant
NEWPORT LIGHT INFANTRY
To the Honorable
J"° Hancock, Esq""
in Boston'"
No action resulting from this request has yet been dis-
covered. There is evidence that the Light Infantry pos-
sessed arms by the first of April 1775, but it is not certain
that these were purchased in Boston. There is no doubt,
however, that it would have been impossible for Copley
to have painted the colors, as he had left for London in
June, 1774.^ Unless some other Boston painter was en-
gaged, they were probably executed in Newport.
There may have been some delay in securing either
arms, colors or uniforms, for the first public appearance of
this company did not take place until April 3, 1775. On
the morning of that day there was a general muster of the
four companies of the Newport militia consisting of about
250 men. As the Light Lifantry numbered 47, there were
then about 300 men under arms.'' At ten o'clock they
marched to the house of Henry Marchant in front of which
the battalion was formed. Mr. Marchant then appeared
and presented Colonel Champlin with a suit of colors for
the new command. This "pair of colors" consisted of the
Newport Light Lifantry flag and presumably the Union
flag then called the "King's Colours." After these had
been handed to the ensign who displayed them in front of
the chartered company, the Attorney-General made the
following address:
"Gentlemen of the Newport Light Infantry
FROM a sincere desire of promoting and encouraging
the military spirit diffusing itself through this town, colony,
and America, I here present you the colours to be born by
' From a copy of the original letter that was forwarded to the writer
by the late Miss Susan S. Brayton, author of the mss. biography of
Henry Marchant.
* Amory, M. B., The Domestic and Artistic Life oj John Singleton
Copley, p. 27.
^ The Literary Diary oj Ezra Stiles, \o\. I, p. 5 30.
8 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
your Ensign j and I shall esteem myself highly honored by
your acceptance of them.
I have endeavored to throw such figures and devices
into them as may lead you to an attention to the great
objects which ought to possess the mind of every American
soldier, — every friend to his country.
By the female figure, you have AMERICA, your native
country, presented to your view, which will justly demand
your protection when in danger — by the CAP of
LIBERTY, upon the staff, which she holds in her left
hand, and points at with her right, you will be led to con-
template the importance of liberty, civil and religious, to
man: — An existence without liberty cannot be wished for 5
every other possession, nay, our country itself, would loose
every enchantment, deprived of her all enlivening prin-
ciple: therefore adopt the motto Patria cara^ carior Libert as.
The BROKEN CHAINS and SWORD, under her
feet, may intimate to you that the principles of true liberty
diffused through America will ever prevail over violence
and oppression.
Carrying these principles into practice, the ANCHOR,
the arms of our colony, placed over America, will lead you
to a well grounded HOPE, that, by adding thereto unan-
imity, wisdom, firmness and virtue, we shall succeed in
the righteous struggle, and secure to ourselves and poster-
ity, the invaluable rights, liberties, privileges and happy
constitution, which the God of nature hath transmitted to
us, through our pious and venerable ancestors.
Adopt with a Christian sincerity, the motto placed above
the anchor, IN GOD WE HOPE,— act worthily your
part for God and your country, and you have the God of
your fathers with you, and who then can be against you.?
Let loyalty to your King, a love to your country and its
laws, a zeal for liberty, and a full faith and confidence in
Heaven, actuate you through life, so will you gain the
love, veneration and esteem of your country, and the world
of mankind for your admirers.
NEWPORT LIGHT INFANTRY
Permit me to say, I cannot but feel myself concerned
and interested in every part of your duty, — that it may be
discharged to the public acceptance, and thereby to your
own honor and approbation: To this great end nothing can
more contribute than an entire confidence in, and high
respect for, the ofiicers of your country: — And I am sure
those gentlemen, elected by yourselves, cannot fail of
affording every proof of the wisdom of your choice, since
they will meet, in return, with every satisfaction that a
generous officer can wish, from a company of gentlemen,
delighting in military order, and filled with the noble
sentiments of liberty, honor and friendship.'""
At the conclusion of the speech, the company fired a
volley, and then marched up on the hill where they went
through the manual of arms and other exercises. The
Light Infantry must have put on a brave show in their
new uniforms as, with colors flying, they went through
their manoeuvres before their admiring fellow-townsmen.
In describing the scene, Ezra Stiles wrote in his diary that
"The Light Infantry made a fine Appearance, & per-
formed the Exercise and Manoeuvres with a Dexterity
equal to any Regulars. They gained themselves great
Honor . . ."^^ Such an event as their first public appear-
ance called for a celebration, and so, at one o'clock, the
entire company paraded to a public house for a dinner.
After such an arduous drill it is not surprising that the
gentlemen were all very dry, and found it necessary to
slake their collective thirst with seventeen or eighteen
toasts. The first of these was to the King, the last to
America. Among the others there was one in honor of
Henry Marchant, "who generously presented the Newport
Light Infantry with their colours."^'
After the banquet the company paraded "in very regular
order" through the principal streets of the town and finally
'" Nezvfort Mercury, April 17, 1775.
^^ The Literary Diary oj Ezra Stiles, Vol. I, p. 5 30.
^- Nezvfort Mercury, April 17, 1775.
10 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
halted upon the public parade. There, fronting the Court
House, they went through their "firings" midst "universal
approbation."^"
Two rather interesting observations might be made with
regard to these toasts. In the first place, although it is by
now common knowledge that the colonies steadfastly pro-
claimed their allegiance to the King while constantly quar-
reling with the king's ministers: both Marchant's speech
and the toast to the King give further evidence of this
feeling in Rhode Island. This, to a certain extent, amounted
to a demand for a position similar to that of the present
Dominions — local autonomy while joined in a common
loyalty to the Crown.
The second observation refers to the toast offered in
honor of Henry Marchant. From the words used it would
seem as though he had purchased the colors himself, and
then had presented them to the company. This is in sharp
contrast to the contents of the letter to John Hancock from
which it would appear that Marchant was merely acting as
agent for the command. This may well be explained by
the possibility that Marchant, the Attorney-General, be-
lieved it necessary for the Light Infantry to have proper
distinctive colors even though its funds were insufficient
to bear the cost.
The speech which Henry Marchant delivered contains
important additional material with regard to the flags
carried by the different chartered commands throughout
the colonies. This newly discovered data adds to the very
meagre material available concerning colonial military
flags. That of the Newport Light Infantry, however, is
the only one certainly known to have been carried by a
New England chartered foot company in the colonial
period. The device on this flag is very similar to that on
the cap exhibited at the Royal United Service Institute
at Whitehall, London. See Rhode Island Historical Society
Collections, October, 1934, and Emblems of Rhode Island,
p. 29.
13
Ibid.
NEWPORT LIGHT INFANTRY 11
It will be noted that there are several changes between
the flag suggested to Hancock, and that presented to the
command in April 1775. In the final design the staff sur-
mounted by the liberty cap was shifted from the right hand
of the female figure, America, to her left, and the repre-
sentation either of the Bible or "America's Bill of Rights"
was omitted. Marchant had suggested that chains be placed
beneath the feet of the female figure, but the finished flag-
had not only broken chains, in that position, but also a
sword. The "proper Place" that was asked for the motto
was found on a garter which surrounded the figure,
America. Beneath this the name of the organization may
have been inscribed upon a scroll. Above, in all probability,
was to be found the anchor, the arms of the colony, sur-
mounted by the motto — IN GOD WE HOPE — and
between the letters G.R., for the insignia on the flag and
that on the company cap were doubtless the same.
Just who was responsible for these changes in the design
is not now known. It may have been Marchant himself,
Hancock, the ofiicers of the command, or more probably
the unknown artist who painted the flag. Actually it is
immaterial just who made the changes, but it would seem
that the result was an improvement upon the first sug-
gestion.
Both designs undoubtedly carried the union of the
crosses of St. George and St. Andrew in the canton, in
accordance with the British military usage of this period.
Finally there is no reason to believe that the color of the
field was shifted from the blue first proposed by Marchant.
Although there were a large group of people in Newport
in sympathy with the aims of the new organization, some
were definitely opposed to it. A representative of this Tory
or loyalist faction pasted the following notice upon one
of the doors of the Court House in mid-December 1774:
"To the military gentlemen who are now forming
themselves in companies, seemingly with a vain design
to oppose his Majesty's troops, or other loyal subjects:
12 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Permit me, as a true friend to Liberty, to advise you,
intrepid Gentlemen, to desist from your apparent rebel-
lious proceedings, as I'm by a letter from Boston, well-
authenticated, informed that the Captain of the man of
war, stationed here, has actually orders from his Excel-
lency Gov. Gage, to take in hold all such persons as
shall appear under arms, to acquire the manual exercise
(prompted by a few vicious, designing, men) with the
simple idea of intimidating, or repelling, the legal
authority.
Britons strike home, &c.
"N. B. Take care, Americans, remember the Scotch
deluge in 45 and 46."'*
The military companies, not at all abashed by the above
warning, struck back vigorously in the next issue of the
Ne'w-port M.ercury with an answer which read:
"Whereas an infamous piece was pasted upon one of
the doors of the Court-house, in this town, on the eve-
ning of the 14th inst. highly reflecting on the Military
Companies lately formed in this town: a copy of which
was published in the Newport Mercury last Monday j
whoever will discover the author of said piece, and pro-
duce sufiicient proof to convict him of having wrote the
same, shall receive TWENTY DOLLARS reward, by
applying to the Captains of said companies."'^
Although the above notice ran in three issues of the paper
there is no evidence that the writer was ever discovered.
Of the later history of this chartered command little is
known. At their April meeting in 1775, Jabez Champlin
was reelected captain and Charles Spooner, first lieutenant.
Philip Moss now succeeded James Tew as second lieuten-
ant, and Sainuel Spooner was made ensign. ''' The same
^* Nezvport Mercury, December 19, 1774.
■'•'' Nezvfort Mercury, December 26, 1 774.
^^ Rhode Island Acts and Resolves, May, 1 775, p. 4.
NEWPORT LIGHT INFANTRY 13
officers were reelected in May 1776, and then, as usual,
were approved by the Governor and Council.''
It is fortunate that Ezra Stiles noted in his diary two
of the activities of this company during the month of May
1 775. For the first time since 1663, General Election Day
was held in Providence and not in Newport, and Stiles
recorded that "The Day has been melanchoUy. However
the Light Infantry above 40 of them appeared in their
Uniform, made a very fine Appearance, & marched all
over the Townj — "''* This might be taken as representing
an attempt on the part of the command to bolster up the
morale of the Newporters. Later in the month, on May
25th, when "Cap* Jn° Topham marched with Comp'"" of
60 Men completely equipt from this Town for the Army
at Roxbury. A number of the Light Infantry & others
armed marched out with them: so that the whole Train
consisted of about 100 armed Men . . . This Eveng. at
IX o'clock the Light Infantry returned."*" The escort
provided by the latter company was undoubtedly to make
certain the safe passage of the Bristol Ferry by the men
headed for Roxbury.
The command was undoubtedly scattered at the time
of the occupation of Newport by the British, and most of
the company was probably absorbed into the armed forces
of the state. As examples of this break-up of the command,
the census of 1777 records that Jabez Champlin of Newport
was a transient in Charlestown, and the second lieutenant,
Philip Moss, was now listed at Warren, as a transient from
Newport. The Newport Light Infantry seemingly never
recovered its identity, following the shock of the Revolu-
tionary years. Although the charter of the Newport
Artillery Company, first granted in 1741, was revived in
1792, and that of the Kentish Guards ( 1774) was issued
again in 1797, no attempt seems to have been made to
bring back to life the Newport Light Infantry.""
: 7
18
Rhode Island Acts and Resohes, Mav, 1 776, p. 48.
The Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, Vol. I, p. 544.
The Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, Vol. I, p. 562.
Mss. Report on Chartered Commands, 1821, State Archives.
14 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
A Journal of My Visits to Rhode Island
April 17, 1776
By W. Rogers
(continued from vol. XXXII , p. 1 2S)
Tuesday ye 28th. Took Breakfast at ye President's be-
tween 1 1 & 1 2 o'clock Danl. return'd from Newport &
Uncle with him — Din'd at Danls., after Dinner — we all
met at Abby's & divided ye Bonds, Money &c. Received a
Letter from Ezekl. Robins of New York. Favd. by Mr.
Cooper — Drank Tea at Abby's — Uncle Thurston & my-
self took a Walk to Commode Hopkins's. Spent ye major
Part of ye Evening & Sup't at Abby's afterwards repair'd
to Cousin Sweeting's & Lodged.
Wednesday ye 29th. Breakfasted at Abby's — A. M.
Employed in Estate Matters — Din'd at Nichs. Brown's
P. M. Uncle Thurston set out for home — Put one of my
Trunks on board Lyndsey bound to New York — Sup't at
Danls. — Lodged at Capt. Sweeting's —
Thursday ye 30th. Breakfasted at Danls. — At 7 o'clock
AM. I Left Providence with purpose of Returning to
Philada. — Danl. so kind as to take me in Chaise in Order
to carry me to New I^ondon by Land — Robt. set out with
us for Dr. Babcocks. We all din'd at Little Rest at One
Potter's Tavern — Far'd but poorly — No Oats or Hay for
our horses — Roads for some part of ye Way Past Descrip-
tion Bad — At Sunset Danl. & myself got to Charlestown &
put up at Mr. Champlin's a very good Inn — Bobby left
us expecting to Reach ye Doctor's which was but 9 Miles
Farther. Charlest'n. is 44 From Providence. Very much
Fatigued tho' ye Expectation of once more Seeing my
Dear Family raised in my Breast pleasing Sensations. May
ye great Jehovah take Special Care of all my dear Brothers
A JOURNAL OF MY VISITS TO RHODE ISLAND 15
& Sisters whom I am obliged to Leave — to leave as I never
left before Fatherless and Motherless.
Friday ye 3 1st, Arose at Day Light — Left Mr. Champ-
lin's at Sun Rising — CalPd on ye Road to see Mr, Ramsen
and Desire Bliven — at 8 o'clock reach'd Dr. Babcocks where
we took Breakfast & were very agreeably entertain'd, the
Dr.'s is about 1 6 Miles from New London as bad Roads as
can be any how got over with a Carriage. After Breakfast
Bobby set out to accompany us. Could hardly get along,
we were a long Time reaching a Small Distance, At %
past One we got to Mr. Belton's Tavern in Groton & Din'd.
Mr. Belton not at home but She was exceedingly glad to
See us owing to ye Intimacy wch had for such a Length of
Time subsisted between her Son Josey & myself, She
would'nt take anything of either of us for our Dinners &
very kindly solicited us to call at their Home at any Time
& make entirely Free. Between 4 & 5 PM we got to Groton
Ferry where ye Horses & Chair were left & we cross'd over
to New London. Dan'l., Rob't & myself walk'd over ye
Town a little & at about 6 oik we took an Affectionate leave
of Each Other as they purposed going back a Few Miles
on their Way to Westerly. Soon after this met with
Messrs. Binney & Drown who had taken Passage on board
a small sloop Capt. Rice bound to New York — I had but
just Time to get my Trunk on board, which being done
we came to sail with ye Wind at S W right ahead — We beat
about 5 Miles & came to Anchor, Messrs. Binney, Drown &
myself went on shore & procur'd good Supper & Lodging
at One Mr. Durfee's a public House, who keeps the Rope
Ferry — By the Time I got to this Place I was almost ready
to give over, owing to the Fatigue of the Day.
Saturday June ye 1 st. This Morning Felt considerably
better — the Wind still aHead & vastly fresh which render'd
it Improvident to come to sail — Breakfasted, Din'd & spent
ye whole Day at Mr. Durfee's — The Family being exceed-
ingly kind & my Fellow Passengers so very friendly it ren-
der'd the Moments less tedious than they would have
16 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Otherwise been. In ye Evening the Wind rather Increased
SO that we all Retir'd to Rest in Expectation of a good
Night's sleep which we enjoyed. To put my Trust in God
at whose Command the Winds & Seas are is my earnest
Prayer — Capt. Almy of Rhode Island having in ye Fore-
noon crossed ye Ferry & bound to Newp't. I set down &
wrote a Letter to my very affectionate Uncle Thurston.
Sunday June ye 2d. A. M. the Wind continued aHead
— Received an Invitation to preach — accepted — Between
1 & 2 ye People assembled. In Time of Sermon the Wind
became fair — As soon as Sermon was over and we had
settled with our Landlord Mr. Durfee we repair'd to sloop
as fast as possible and came to sail at ^ past 4 P. M, A
most excellent Time! Tide with us till 12 o'clock — we
pass'd thro' ye Water Rapidly! The Passengers very agree-
able Company Indeed — particularly my 2 Friends before
mentioned and One Mr. Pool of New London. We seem'd
to be knit together in Friendship's Bond — Between 9 & 10
I threw myself on a Blanket having a pair of Saddle Bags
for a Pillow & thus pass'd the Night, Sometimes asleep,
sometimes dosing but the major part thereof awake.
Monday June ye 3d. This Morning at Day Light we
were within 30 Miles of N York — had a terrible Time
through Hell Gate — arrived at York about 1 0 o'clock AM.
Call'd upon Mr, Gano & left a Number of Letters which
he undertook to deliver & forward. Took passage in ye
Amboy Stage for Philada. at One o'clock, having eat
neither Breakfast nor Dinner. Those on board not so
agreeable as I could wish — Some of ye Company vastly
prophane, what Evidences may One Learn from Travell-
ing of the total Depravity of human Nature. Felt much
overcome for want of proper Sleep & Refreshment. Ar-
riv'd at South Amboy between 5 & 6 P. M. Met Mr. Wm.
Goddard of Baltimore with whom I had considerable Chat.
In the Evening partook of a good Supper & soon after went
to Bed having for my Bed Fellow Mr. Leffingwell of Nor-
wich in Connecticut. Slept comfortably.
A JOURNAL OF MY VISITS TO RHODE ISLAND 17
Tuesday June ye 4th, Arose extreme early and took my
Seat in ye Bordertown Stage Wagon — wch was well filPd.
Rode 14 Miles & Breakfasted at Williamson's Tavern —
much reviv'd at the Prospect of so soon meeting my Dear
Family — may we meet in health. Got to Bordertown at
>4 past 2. Din'd at Mr. Hogland's. At 6 PM took my
Departure in Bordertown Boat For Philada. Very little
or no W^ind. Sail'd 'till Tide came against us which was
12 o'clock at Night & Anchor'd 12 or 13 Miles from the
City. As I had now no Expectation of Reaching home 'till
Morning, went down into the Hole & turned in upon a
Bag of Flax — making a Pillow of One of my Arms. Tho
my Birth was very hard yet over Fatigue caused sleep in-
stantly to come upon me. my Situation was not by any
means pleasing but Resignation is my Duty.
Wednesday June 5th. Arose at 5 o'clock. A little Re-
fresh'd by Sleep. Came to sail with hardly any Wind, went
down with the Tide. At 8 o'clock landed at Vine Street
Wharf, Repair'd with hasty steps to my dear Family &
found them well with my other Friends — And now may
that God who has thus protected me in my Travels, Sup-
ported me under one of ye most trying of Dispensations
& kept my Wife & Child as it were in the hollow of his
hands in my Absence of 7 weeks from them and now re-
turn'd me to them in Safety, write Laws of Gratitude upon
my heart & never Suffer me to forget his Goodness but
ennable me to live to his Glory all ye Days I have to Con-
tinue on Earth & finally receive me & mine to the Realms
of Bliss where there Shall be no more parting but every
Tear Shall be wip'd away & all shall be Joy divine.
Even so — Lord Jesus
Rogers
June 5, 1776
18 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Early Ship Protests
(continued jrom vol. XXXII y page 86)
These ship protests are entered in the second volume
of Rhode Island Land Evidences which are in the
State Archives.
By this publick Instrument of Protest be it known , . .
that on the Eighteenth of Desembr . . . 1702 . . . Before
mee Weston Clark Notry ... in Newport on Rhoad Island
... & in the presents of the Wittnesses After named Par-
sonally Appeared Michael Gill'"' of the town of boston
. . .marrr & now master of the Good Briginteen Called the
Joana of Boston Doth declare . . . that . . . (he) did . . .
demand of & from Isaac Napthaley"" marcht now Resi-
dent in . . . Newport on the day of the Date heare of nine
hundred Quentalls of dry fish bought of the Sd Napthaley
by Samll phillips of Boston & Company marchts Owners
of the Above Sd Briginteen the which Sd nine hundred
Quentll of fish hee posertively Denies nor will hee deliver
Any or Any Account of the Owners . . . the Sd Master
not knowing what Damage is Done ... by the withholding
. . . the Sd . . . fish doth thare fore According to the Usuall
Custom of Marchts & marrrs affaires & the Laws . . . pro-
vided Sollomly . . . protest Against the Sd Isaac Napthaly
for . . . Every part of the damage done ... in not perform-
ing ye Agreement as Afore Said . . .
The day And year Above written Michael Gill parsonally
Appeared before mee ... & made Sollom Oath to the truth
of what is written ... in the Afore premised Instrument
In testamony whare of I have heare unto Sett my hand
And Seall Samll Cranston Govr (II, 177)
-^ Gill served as a privateersman in Queen Anne's War, and won fame in
his brilliant and successful defense of Bonavista, Newfoundland, in 1704.
See "Privateer Ships and Sailors" p. 144.
^^ Isaac Napthaley was a Jew. He was admitted a freeman of New
York in 1705. See Pub. Am. Jew. Hist. Soc. 6, 101.
EARLY SHIP PROTESTS 19
Protest noted Sept. 6, 1705.
. . . Capt Joseph Rosbotham Commander of the Sloope
Called the phenix & James Whitthead mate ... & William
Chub marer Sayled from this harbor of newport in . . .
Rhoad Island ... On Augt the 10 day Last past 1705
bound to the Island of Barbados Did on this forth day of
September 1705 . . . Appeare before mee . . . did protest
Against the Sea for all Damages . . . which the Above Sd
Sloope phenex her passengers & Cargo Shee had at her
Departure hath sustained in her Above Intended voyage
By reason that About 1 2 Aclock on f ryday night being the
17th day of Augt ... A voyalant Storme Arose the Sd
Sloope then being . . . neare the Lattitud of 38 & to the
Eastward of Block Island 50 Leags that Sd Storme voya-
lantly Continuing till About 12 of the Clock of the 19th
day of Augt at night & that on the Sd 19th day About
two A Clock in the After none by a Stroake of the Sea
the Sd vessell Over sett & filled with water her horses^^
Awning Cables Round hous & Som part of her Lading
washed Over bord During the Storme And Henry pike-
march Robart rose & John Whealler Chirurgin^'' & James
Blackwell marrr ware all of them Drowned
Joseph Rosbotham
James Whitthead
the mark of William Chub
Taken upon Oath . . . Before mee
Samll Cranston Govr (II, 325)
"- hawsers
■'^ surgeon
New Publications of Rhode Island Interest
The Jones Pond Shell Heap, by John C. Brown, an
excavation by the Narragansett Archaeological Society of
Rhode Island, is an illustrated pamphlet of twenty-six
pages.
20
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
List of Active Members of the Rhode Island
Historical Society
DECEMBER 1939
Mr. Frederick W. Aldred
Mr. Edward K. Aldrich, Jr.
Miss Lucy T. Aldrich
Hon. Richard S. Aldrich
Mr. Stuart M. Aldrich
Mr. Devere Allen
Mr. Philip Allen
Miss Ada Almy
Mrs. Everard Appleton
Mr. Arthur H. Armington
Miss Maude E. Armstrong
Mrs. Edward E. Arnold
Mr. Frederick W. Arnold
Miss Mittie Arnold
Mr. James H. Arthur
Mr. bonald S. Babcock
Mr. J. Earle Bacon
Mr. Albert A. Baker
Mrs. Charles K. Baker
Mr. Harvey A. Baker
Mrs. Horton Baker
Mr. J. Willard Baker
Miss Mary H. Balch
Mrs. Sarah Minchin Barker
Miss Sarah Dyer Barnes
Mr. Fred H. Barrows
Mr. Earl G. Batty
Miss Marjorie L. Bean
Mrs. Daniel Beckwith
Mr. Henry L. P. Beckwith
Mr. Frederic N. Beede
Mr. Herbert G. Beede
Mrs. Herbert G. Beede
Mr. Robert J. Beede
Mr. Horace G. Belcher
Mr. Charles P. Benns
Mrs. Charles P. Benns
Mr. Bruce M. Bigelow
Mr. George E. Bixby
Capt. William P. Blair
Mr. Zenas W. Bliss
G. Alder Blumer, M.D.
Mr. J. J. Bodell
Mr. Amos M. Bowen
Mr. Richard LeB. Bowen
Rev. Arthur H. Bradford
Mr. Claude R. Branch
Rabbi William G. Braude
Miss Alice Brayton
Dr. R. G. Bressler
Mr. Carl Bridenbaugh
Miss Ida F. Bridgham
Mrs. William E. Brigham
Mrs. Clarence A. Brouwer
Mr. Clarence Irving Brown
Mr. Cyrus P. Brown
Mr. Frank Hail Brown
Mr. John Nicholas Brown
Madelaine R. Brown, M.D.
Mr. Wilbur D. Brown
Capt. Ernest Henry Brownell
Miss Madeleine M. Bubier
Mr. Harris H. Bucklin
Mr. Edward J. C. Bullock
Mr. Mortimer L. Burbank
Mr. Edwin A. Burlingame
A. T. Butler, Esq.
Col. G. Edward Buxton
Mrs. Edwin A. Cady
Mr. John H. Cady '
T.I ST OF MEMBERS
21
Mrs. Charles A. Calder
Mrs. W. R. Callender
Mrs. Wallace Campbell
Mr. Thomas B. Card
Mrs. George W. Carr
Mrs. Marion P. Carter
Miss Anna H. Chace
Mr. Malcolm G. Chace
Mrs. Everitte S. Chaffee
Prof. Robert F. Chambers
Mr. Arthur D. Champlin
Mr. George B. Champlin
Miss Anna Chapin
Charles V. Chapin, M.D.
Mrs. Charles V. Chapin
Mr. Howard M. Chapin
Mr. Frederic L. Chase
Mr. Albert W. Claflin
Mrs. Edward S. Clark
Prof. Theodore Collier
Mrs. Clarkson A. Collins, Jr.
Mr. James C. Collins
Mrs.'Charles D. Cook
Mr. Albert B. Coulters
Prof. Verner W. Crane
Mr. Frank H. Cranston
Mr. Harry Parsons Cross
Frank Anthony Cummings, M.D.
Mrs. Frank Anthony Cummings
Mr. Arthur Cushing
Prof. S. Foster Damon
Murray S. Danforth, M.D.
Mrs. Murray S. Danforth
Mr. William C. Dart
Mr. Foster B. Davis
Miss Mary Elliott Davis
Mrs. R. C. Davis
Prof. Edmund B. Delabarre
Mr. Paul C. DeWolf
Miss Alice S. Dexter
Miss Eunice W. Dexter
Mrs. Lerov E. Dickinson
Mr. Walter Frederick Dickinson
Miss Louise Diman
John E. Donley, M.D.
Mr. Louis W. Downes
Mrs. Louis W. Downes
Mr. Robert T. Downs
Mrs. Charles E. Dudley
Miss Dorothy D. Dunlop
Mr. Henrv A. DuVillard
Miss Margarethe L. Dwight
Miss Anna Jones Dyer
Col. H. Anthony Dyer
Mr. Charles G. Easton
Mr. Frederick W. Easton
Mr. Cyrus T. Eddy
Miss Isabel Eddy
Mrs. William Holden Eddy
Miss Harriet C. Edmonds
Mrs. Seeber Edwards
Mr. Walter Angell Edwards
Mr. Zenas H. Ellis
Mr. William Ely
Miss Mabel W. Ennis
Mr. William Wood Estes
Mrs. William Wood Estes
Mr. Charles W. Farnham
Mr. Roval Bailev Farnum
Mr. Walter F. Farrell
Mrs. Charles Fletcher
Mr. Elliot Flint
Mr. Allan Forbes
Mr. Hovey T. Freeman
Hon. G. Frederick Frost
Mr. R. Clinton Fuller
Frank T. Fulton, M.D.
Mr. William Gammell
Mr. William Gammell, Jr.
Miss Abbie P. Gardner
Mrs. George Warren Gardner
Mrs. John T. Gardner
Mr. Preston Hicks Gardner
Mr. Daniel F. George
Mrs. Louis C. Gerry
Hon. Peter G. Gerry
Mrs. Peter G. Gerry
Mr. Robert H. L Goddard
Rabbi Israel M. Goldman
Mr. George T. Gorton
22
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mr. Harry Hale Goss
Mrs. Richard Rathborne Graham
Mr. Eugene S. Graves
Mrs. Eugene S. Graves
Miss Eleanor B. Green
Hon. Theodore Francis Green
Mr. Denison W. Greene
Mrs. Joseph Warren Greene, Jr.
Mr. Thomas C. Greene
Mr. Ralph M. Greenlaw
Mr. William B. Greenough
Mr. Russell Grinnell
Mr. E. Tudor Gross
Mr. R. F. Haffenreffer
Miss Annette Mason Ham
Mrs. Livingston Ham
Mrs. Albert G. Harkness
Mr. Benjamin P. Harris
Mr. Edwin Harris
Mrs. Thomas Harris
Mr. Everett S. Hartwell
N. Darrell Harvey, M.D.
Mr. William A. Hathaway
Miss Caroline Hazard
Mr, Thomas G. Hazard, Jr.
Mrs. W. E. Heathcote
Mr. Coles Hegeman
Mr. Bernon E. Helme
Mr. Joseph G. Henshaw
Mr. Robert W. Herrick
Mr. G. Burton Hibbert
Mr. Charles J. Hill
Mr. William A. Hill
Mr. Frank L. Hinckley
Mr. Richard A. Hoffman
Mrs. William H. Hoffman
Mrs. John S. Holbrook
Mr. George J. Holden
Mrs. John W. Holton
Mrs. Albert Horton
Mr. Charles A. Horton
Mr. M. A. DeWolfe Howe
Mr. Wallis E. Howe
Mrs. William Erwin Hoy
Mrs. George H. Huddy, Jr.
Mr. Sidney D. Humphrey
Mr. S. Foster Hunt
Mr. James H. Hyde
Mrs. C. Oliver Iselln
Mr. Norman M. Isham
Miss Mary A. Jack
Mrs. Donald Eldredge Jackson
Mrs. Edward P. Jastram
Mr. Thomas A. Jenckes
Mrs. Edward L. Johnson
Mr. William C. Johnson
Mr. Llewellyn W. Jones
Dr. Lewis H. Kalloch
Mr. Francis B. Keeney
Mr. Charles A. Keller
Mr. Howard R. Kent
Mr. H. Earle Kimball
Lucius C. Kingman, M.D.
Miss Adelaide Knight
Mr. C. Prescott Knight, Jr.
Mr. Robert L. Knight
Mrs. Robert L. Knight
Mr. Russell W. Knight
Mrs. Dana Lawrence
Miss Grace F. Leonard
Mrs. Austin T. Levy
Mr. Dexter L. Lewis
Mr. Charles Warren Lippitt
Mrs. Frances Pomeroy Lippitt
Mr. Gorton T. Lippitt
Mr. Arthur B. Lisle
Mrs. Arthur B. Lisle
Mr. Charles W. Littlefield
Mr. Ivory Littlefield
Rev. Augustus M. Lord
Mr. T. Robley Louttit
Mr. W. Easton Louttit, Jr.
Mr. David B. Lovell, Jr.'
Mr. Albert E. Lownes
Mr. Harold C. Lyman
Mr. Richard E. Lyman
Mr. George R. McAuslan
Mr. William A. McAuslan
Mr. Norman A. MacColl
Mr. William B. MacColl
LIST OF MEMBERS
23
Mr. Arthur M. McCrillis
Miss Grace E. Macdonald
Mr. Benjamin M. MacDougall
Miss Muriel McFee
Mr. Charles B. Mackinney
Mr. Ralph A. McLeod
Mrs. Herbert E. Maine
Mrs. William L. Manchester
Mr. Charles C. Marshall
Mr. Edgar W. Martin
Mrs. John F. Marvel
Mr. Harold Mason
Mr. John H. Mason
Mr. William L. Mauran
Mrs. William L. Mauran
Mrs. Frank Everitt Maxwell
Mr. Harry V. Mayo
Mr. W. Granville Meader
Mrs. Charles H. Merriman
Mrs. E. Bruce Merriman
Mr. Harold T. Merriman
Mrs. I. B. Merriman
Mrs. E. T. H. Metcalf
Mr. G. Pierce Metcalf
Mr. Houghton P. Metcalf
Mrs. I. Harris Metcalf
Hon. Jesse H. Metcalf
Mrs. Jesse H. Metcalf
Mr. Stephen O. Metcalf
Mr. William Davis Miller
Mrs. William Davis Miller
Mr. George L. Miner
Mr. Marshall Morgan
Mr. George A. Moriarty, Jr.
Mrs. Bentley W. Morse
Mr. Jarvis M. Morse
Mr. Edward S. Moulton
Mrs. Edward S. Moulton
William M. Muncy, M.D.
Hon. Addison P. Munroe
Mrs. i'\ddison P. Munroe
Mr. Walter M. Murdie
Mr. Wilfred C. Murphy
Mr. George P. Newell
Miss Eliza Taft Newton
Mr. Roger Hale Newton
Mr. Paul C. Nicholson
Mrs. Raymond M. Nickerson
Ira Hart Noyes, M.D.
Miss Mary Olcott
Mrs. Frank F. Olney
Mr. Harald W. Ostby
Mr. G. Richmond Parsons
Mrs. G. Richmond Parsons
Miss Mary H. Parsons
Mr. Frederick S. Peck
Mrs. Frederick S. Peck
Mr. Horace M. Peck
Mr. Stephen I. Peck
Mr. William H. Peck
Mrs. F. H. Peckham
Mr. Clarence E. Peirce
Mr. John P. B. Peirce
Mr. Charles M. Perry
Mr. Howard B. Perry
John M. Peters, M.D.
Mr. Arthur L. Philbrick
Mr. Charles H. Philbrick
Mr. ^Alexander Van Cleve Phillips
Mr. Arthur S. Phillips
Mrs. Frank Nichols Phillips
Mr. Thomas L. Pierce
Mr. Albert H.Poland
Prof. Albert K. Potter
Dr. Arthur M. Potter
Mrs. Thomas I. Hare Powel
Miss Ethelyn Irene Pray
Mrs. Howard W. Preston
Mr. Robert Spencer Preston
Miss Evelyn M. Purdy
Helen C. Putnam, M.D.
Mr. Patrick H. Quinn
Mrs. George R. Ramsbottom
Mrs. C. K. Rathbone
Hon. Elmer J. Rathbun
Mrs. Irving E. Raymond
Mr. Charles C. Remington
Mr. R. Foster Reynolds
Mr. Dana Rice
Mr. Herbert W. Rice
24
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mrs. Herbert W. Rice
Mr. Henry Isaac Richmond
Mrs. Fred Robinson
Mr. Robert Rodman
Mr. William Greene Roelker
Mr. Kenneth Shaw Safe
Mrs. Harold P. Salisbury
Mrs. G. Coburn Sanctuary
Mrs. George C. Scott
Mrs. David Sands Seaman
Mr. Henry M. Sessions
Miss Ellen D. Sharpe
Mr. Henry D. Sharpe
Eliot A. Shaw, M.D.
Mrs. Frederick E. Shaw
Mrs. Philip C. Sheldon
Mr. Robert F. Shepard
Mr. Clarence E. Sherman
Mr. Harry B. Sherman
Mrs. Arthur F. Short
Mrs. Byron N. H. Smith
Mrs. Charles H. Smith
Mrs. Edwin C. Smith
Mr. Howard B. Smith
Hon. Nathaniel W. Smith
R. Morton Smith, M.D.
Mr. Walter B. Smith
Mr. Ward E. Smith
Miss Hattie O. E. Spaulding
Hon. Ernest L. Sprague
Mrs. James G. Staton
Hon. Charles F. Stearns
Mr. Thomas E. Steere
Miss Maud Lyman Stevens
Mr. Edward Clinton Stiness
Mr. Charles C. Stover
Mrs. Charles C. Stover
Mr. Charles T. Straight
Mr. Henry A. Street
Mr. Frank H. Swan
Hon. John W. Sweeney
Dr. Walter I. Sweet
Mrs. Walter I. Sweet
Miss Louisa A. Sweetland
Mr. Roval C. Taft
Prof. Will S. Taylor
Mrs. J. P. Thorndike
Louisa Paine Tingley, M.D.
Mr. F. L. Titsworth
Mrs. William O. Todd
Mrs. Anthony M. Tourtellot
Mr. William J. Tully
Mr. George R. L-rquhart
Hon. William H. Vanderbilt
Mrs. Helen C. \'ose
Mrs. Arthur M. Walker
Mr. A. Tingley Wall
Mrs. Maurice K. Washburn
Mr. Slater Washburn
Mr. Frank E. Waterman
Mrs. Lewis A. Waterman
Prof. Arthur E. Watson
Col. Byron S. Watson
Mr. W. L. Watson
Mrs. William B. Weeden
Mr. Richard Ward Greene Welling
Mr. John H. Wells
Mr. Philip C. Wentworth
Mrs. Philip C. Wentworth
Mr. Edward H. West
Mrs. Frank Williams Westcott
Mrs. Elizabeth N. White
Mr. Willis H. White
Mrs. Henry A. Whitmarsh
Mr. Frederick Bernays Wiener
Mr. Frank J. Wilder
Mr. Daniel L. Willmarth, Jr.
Miss Amey L. Willson
Mr. William A. Wing
Mr. Wilson G. Wing
Mrs. George P. Winship
Rev. William Worthington
Mr. Nathan M. Wright
Mrs. Sydney L. Wright, Jr.
Dr. Henry M. Wriston
Mr. Lawrence C. Wroth
Mr. Frederick W. York
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXXIII
APRIL, 1940
No. 2
.0>
U-_9iVASi^
Yroin original hi tJic Society's Aliisfuw
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island
CONTENTS
PAGE
Picture of schooner Wando Passo . . . Cover
The Beginnings of the Rhode Island Train Bands
by Robert W. Kenny . . . . . 25
Notes ........ 38
Journal of my Visit to the Eastward
by W. Rogers ...... 39
Treasurer's Report ...... 45
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XXXIII
APRIL, 1940
No. 2
Charles F. Stearns, President
William Davis Miller, Secretary
Robert T. Downs, Treasurer
Howard M. Chapin, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
The Beginnings of the Rhode Island
Train Bands
By Robert W. Kenny
One of the most useful institutions brought to America
by English colonists in the seventeenth century was the
military organization of citizen soldiers known as the train
bands out of which developed the American militia. Its
primary purpose was the defense of the new colonies from
attacks by Indians, although it was sometimes found useful
in cases of civil disorder. Before leaving England in 1629
the Massachusetts Bay Colony made very considerable
preparations for defense of its territory; in London the
Company secured the services of two professional soldiers,
Captains Underbill and Patrick, to organize the train
bands, bought a considerable amount of large and small
ordnance, and, once landed in Boston, promptly set about
training "these souldiers of Christ Jesus — to stand it out
against all such as should come to rob them of their privi-
ledges," Fortifications were built in Boston Harbor, guns
were mounted, and efforts were made to manufacture gun-
26 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
powder. By 1636 there were three regiments in training
under the command of a Sergeant-Major General, who in
turn was closely watched by the General Court.
The situation was very different in Rhode Island. The
settlers who came with Roger Williams to Providence, and
those who later etsablished themselves on the Island were
not members of a well planned colonial enterprise, but
rather refugees, for political or religious reasons, from the
neighboring colonies. Many of them, at variance with
accepted Puritan doctrine, would not have agreed with
Captain Edward Johnson of Woburn who, in his Wonder
Working Providence of Sions Saviour in New England
urged "that with all diligence you encourage every Soul-
dier-Spirit among you." This attitude, which was generally
accepted in the Bay Colony, often resulted, as in the Pequot
war, in carrying the fight to the Indians, and was not con-
ducive to the understanding, if not friendship, towards the
natives which was so encouraged in Rhode Island. The
Puritan leaders in the Bay Colony envisaged a strong state
in the wilderness j as rapidly as possible new towns were
established by the General Court, the ultimate source of
power, and train bands to protect these establishments
from Indians reprisals were speedily organized. In Rhode
Island the scheme of government was almost the reverse.
The towns created the General Assembly, but reserved to
themselves far more power than did the towns in Massa-
chusetts Bay or Plymouth colonies. One of these powers
locally retained was control over the train bands, and the
history of these organizations is very closely connected in
the seventeenth century with the history of the towns.
Efforts were made at various times to achieve an effective
central organization, but ultimate control reverted to the
towns.
It is necessary at this time to explain the exact status of
the train bands. Primarily they were for defense in time
of local attack. Normal "watch and ward" was in the
iurisdiction of the town constable "who is to see that the
RHODE ISLAND TRAIN BANDS 27
peace be keptj" he, or certain citizens deputized by him,
set the watches and gave the alarm in case of disorder. In
times of actual or impending emergency the captain of the
train band took command of his company and disposed
it as he thought fit. Only if a town were directly attacked
did the band fight as a unit. Expeditions beyond the town
limits were recruited from volunteers. In the First Dutch
War, for example, the General Assembly on May 18,
1653, called for twenty volunteers to aid in checking the
Dutch attack upon English settlements on Long Island.
Portsmouth and Newport felt a vital interest in this and
seem to have provided all the men, as well as "two great
guns and what murtherers [small naval cannon] are with
us." Providence and Warwick took no part in the war
at all. During King Philip's War there were an unascer-
tained number of unauthorized volunteers from Rhode
Island, but no train band as a unit took part in the fight-
ing. The train bands then provided more or less efficient
bodies for local defense and served as training centers
from which, in time of emergency, certain citizens were
drawn for service outside of the towns.
The records indicate that Portsmouth was the first
community to take active -measures to defend itself. On
the 13th day of the 3rd month (May 13, 1638) at a
"General Meeting upon publicke notice" it was "ordered
that every Inhabitant of this island shall be always
provided of one muskett, one pound of powder, twenty
bulletts and two fademe of match, with Sword and rest
and Bandeliers, all completely furnished." At a similar
nieeting held on June 27 William Balston and Edward
Hutchinson were chosen Sergeants, Randall Houlden and
Henry Bull corporals, and Samuel Wilbore clerk of the
train Band, the first military officers to be chosen in "what
was to be the colony of Rhode Island. At a General Meet-
ing on the 5th of the 9th month it was "ordered that there
shall be a generall day of Trayning for the Exercise of
those who are able to beare armes in the arte of military
28 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
discipline, and all that are of sixteen yeares of age, and
upwards to fifty, shall be warned thereunto." One week
later there appears to have been held the first muster in
Rhode Island. In January, 1639, three Elders were elected
to assist the Judge and the Clerk in the management of
the town's affairs which included "Invasions forreine and
domestick, as also the determination of Military disci-
pline." This group anticipated invasion sufficiently to order
that when the alarm of three shots was fired all were to
repair to the house of the Judge, and a herald was to go
speedily through the town crying, "Alarm, Alarm."
On April 28, 1639, nine men from Portsmouth, among
whom were William Coddington, Judge, and the three
Elders, Nicholas Easton, John Coggeshall and William
Brenton, decided to establish a community at the southern
end of the Island-Newport. Seven months later at a Gen-
eral Meeting in that town they organized their train band,
choosing William Foster as Clerk and ordering him to
survey the arms in the hands of the settlers and report all
defects at the next court but one. It was also decided that
"the Body of the people, viz: the Traine Band shall have
free libertie to chuse and select such persons, one or more
from among themselves, as they would have to be officers
among them." Mr, Robert Jeffries was placed in temporary
command to drill the train band for the "approbation of
the Magistrates." All men were forbidden to go outside of
the town without either a gun or sword under penalty of
a five shilling fine for each offense. The balance of the
military legislation of Newport as an independent com-
munity deals with the efforts, generally unsuccessful, to
provide every train band member with adequate equipment.
Portsmouth and Newport were united as the colony on
the Island of Aquidneck on March 12, 1640j in May the
General Court merely reenacted the Portsmouth direc-
tions about alarms, but the xA.ugust meeting produced the
first comprehensive military legislation in the colony. Eight
training days were ordered to be held each year in both
RHODE ISLAND TRAIN BANDS 29
Portsmouth and Newport, the days being set by the Cap-
tahi of the band. In addition there were to be two general
musters, one in each town. At these formations all men
were to be in line completely equipped at the second beat
of the drum at eight o'clock in the morning. Absence was
punished by a tine of five shillings. Exemptions were made
for herdsmen and lightermen whose occupations might
prevent their appearance. Farmers in outlying farms could
leave one man at home if two shillings and sixpence were
paid to the Clerk of the band. Any who appeared defective
"in his armes or furniture equivalent" were fined twelve
pence by the Clerk who reported the delinquents to the
Judge and Captain of the company who would determine
the validity of the excuses offered. The money so collected
was used to purchase drums, colors and halberds for the
band. The question of equipping these citizen soldiers was
a vexatious one; many of the men had no money to pur-
chase guns, and, when the money was at hand, it was not
always possible to obtain the desired material. This seems
the purport of the statement that "the Clarke of each Band
shall receive the monies of any Man to provide and make
supply of such things as he shall stand in need of; during
which time, after the delivery of such said money, he shall
be excused for his defects in such Armes; but if the money
be not delivered, then to be liable to the injunctions herein
contained."
The law having been accepted, the General Court gave
over part of the next few sessions to tinkering with it. On
September 6, 1641, the fine of two shillings six pence levied
against those absent from training was abolished, and so
also were the two general musters ordered to be held
annually in Portsmouth and Newport. Regular training
days were set for the first Monday of each month, except
in the months of May, August, January and February.
Three sessions in 1641-42 were necessary before a satis-
factory law for the election of train band officers was agreed
upon. The law as finally written ordered that the personnel
30 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
of the train bands could elect freemen from among their
number for officers, this election subject to the ratification
of all the freemen of the town at the Annual Court of
Elections j officers must be elected out of their own bands j
they could not be residents of other towns. Further it was
declared "that the Townes shall order the power of the
Officers of their several Bands from time to time," an
unmistakable indication of the town's supremacy in mili-
tary affairs. The officers to be chosen by election were:
captain, lieutenant, ensign, and junior and senior sergeants.
The commanding officer could appoint only corporals
and drummers. There was slight danger of building up
any military hierarchy under this perhaps too democratic
system.
In July 1644 Portsmouth had tried to obtain powder
and shot from the Bay Colony and had been refused. John
Winthrop explained that the Court was adjourned when
the request was made and that the deputies were in no mood
to aid those who had so recently left the colony.
Certainly it was an error | he wrote] in state of
policy at least not to support them, for though they
were desperately erroneous and in such distraction
among themselves as portended their ruin, yet if
the Indians should prevail against them, it would
be a great advantage to the Indians, and danger to
the whole country by the arms, etc., that would
there be had, and by the loss of so many persons
and so much cattle and other substance belonging
to above 120 families. Or, if they should be forced
to seek protection from the Dutch, who would be
ready to accept them, it would be a great inconven-
ience to all the English to have so considerable a
place in the power of strangers so potent as they are.
Mistake or not, the shortage of ammunition was a critical
one and apparently was responsible for the passage of the
following statute in May 1 647.
RHODE ISLAND TRAIN BANDS 31
Forasmuch as we are cast among the Archers,
and know not how soon we may be deprived of
Powder and Shott, without which our guns will
advantage us nothing j to the end also that we may
come to outshoot these natives in their owne bowj
Be it enacted that that Statute touching Archerie,
shall be revived and propagated throwout the
whole Colonic j and that every person from the age
of seventeen yeares, to the age of seventy, that is
not lame, debilitated in his body, or otherwise ex-
empted by the Colonie, shall have a Bow and four
arrowes and shall use and exercise shooting.
Failure to comply with order by the end of June 1 647
would entail a fine of three shillings and four pence. Each
town was to erect an archery butt by the same date under
a ten shilling penalty. No record of town archery butts
exists j doubtless the idea never got beyond the stage of
legislation.
The military legislation of the next decade indicates the
dilemma of the colonists. On the one hand successful hus-
bandry demanded all of a man's time and energy j on the
other the fear of Indian attacks indicated that the train
bands be maintained in a reasonable degree of efficiency.
There were alternate waves of concern and indifference.
The concern was displayed by the General Court, later the
General Assembly j the indifference by the individual towns
through neglect of their train bands. The General Court
which in May 1 647 organized the colony under the patent
brought from England by Roger Williams restated with
some additions the militia law of 1642. The towns were
ordered to hold elections for train band officers on the first
Tuesday after each 1 2th of March, and a fine of five pounds
was levied against any person selling or giving powder,
shot, lead, gun, pistol or sword, dagger, halberd or pike
to an Indian or repairing such weapons already in the
hands of Indians. If legislation could insure a decently
trained citizen soldiery the colony should have been ade-
32 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
quately defended, but there seems to have been a woeful
lack of martial spirit in the towns.
The details are not known, but the action of the General
Court in May 1649 indicates clearly that many colonists
had refused to train with the bands, that the fines of the
absentees had not been collected, and that officers chosen
to command the bands had refused to serve. To quicken
military affairs civil authorities in the towns were ordered
to assist in collecting fines, and captains and lieutenants
were penalized five pounds and fifty shillings respectively
for refusing to perform their duties on training days. This
burst of military zeal was of short duration, for the fol-
lowing year the Court ordered "that each town shall order
its own militia, any clauses or laws formerly made not-
withstanding." Once again the train bands were removed
from beneficial central control and we must trace their
history for the next few years in the records of the indi-
vidual towns.
Without rehearsing all the tedious details it is sufficient
to note that the tendency of the towns was to decrease the
military burden as much as possible. Warwick seems to have
had a train band election as early as June 1649, but appar-
ently it was necessary to start afresh in 1653 when it was
ordered that "all that can beare armes [will] meet on the
Comon over against Thomas Staffordes to chuse military
officers, and any man thats absent may send in his voate, and
the time to be about eight a clocke in the morning." Too few
reported to warrant an election, and in August of the same
year it was ordered "that because the Towne are but few
in number that they choose for military officers only a
lieutenant and a drummer, and these to be chosen the first
Second day in the next month September." Other notations,
chiefly of military elections, occur at about three year inter-
vals. One notice of a training day concludes "if the season
hinder not." With such a flexible option it seems unlikely
that many fell in line at the second beat of the drum.
Providence, like Warwick, used the town's authority over
RHODE ISLAND TRAIN BANDS 33
the train bands to lighten its military burden j in Novem-
ber 1654 the fine for absence from drill was reduced from
five shillings to two and six pence, and on the following
June it was further cut to a flat two shillings and the annual
drills fixed at four instead of the eight ordered by the
General Court in May of 1647. There was still some fear
of Indian attack and on January 1655/56^ after some
debate about erecting a fort "against the Barbarians," the
town meeting, far from ordering such a fort, merely
ordered "that libertie is given to so many as please to erect
a fortification upon Stompers Hill or about their owne
houses." The Portsmouth record is equally scanty; the
notice of a train band election in 1650 and a notice in 1655
that those in ofiice would continue to exercise command
"till nue were chosen."
The casual quality of the training seems to have caused
great concern to the General Court, which on March 10,
1657/58 complained of the neglect of the militia law by
the various towns, and ordered that the act of 1 647 which
it described as "very full and to good purpose for the
keeping on foot the said military exercise . . . continue in
full force throughout the whole colony, any other laws or
repeals to the contrary notwithstanding." Making a virtue
of necessity the Court in the following November ordered
that a fine of two shillings instead of five shillings or two
and six pence be levied for absence from training, thus
making legal a practice of the towns of some years.
The Royal Charter of November 1663 which author-
ized the Governor, Deputy Governor, Assistants and
Assembly "to assemble, exercise in arms, martiall array,
and putt in war-lyke posture, the inhabitants of the said
collonie, for their special defence and safety" does not
seem to have effectively quickened the martial spirit of the
colony, for the General Assembly on May 4, 1664, noted
with regret the "great neglect and deficiency in the use of
the military exercise in most towns of this Colony." The
Assembly then ordered that train band elections be held
34 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
annually in all towns on the last Monday in May, that the
elected officers give sufficient notice of drill, and that the
fines for neglect be collected. This legislation appears to
have been ineffective, and on May 13, 1665, the Assembly
passed still another training law. Drills were reduced from
eight to six a yearj captains were fined ten pounds for not
calling an election of train band officers each year. Officers
not ordering drills were fined forty shillings, or being
elected and refusing to serve were fined forty shillings.
"For the incorradgement of the meaner sort" nine shill-
ings yearly was to be allowed as pay, this to be paid by the
Clerk or treasurer to the parent or master of such as pro-
vided their sons or servants with arms and ammunition.
The towns were to raise the money necessary for soldiers'
pay by a local rate. For the most part the act is a more
careful restating of the law of the previous year. In effect
the nine shillings was a subsidy, and Rhode Island was the
first colony to adopt this sensible solution for the supply of
military equipment. Lack of equipment being no longer
an adequate excuse for absence from training, the fine was
raised to three shillings, the proceeds therefrom to provide
drums, colors and halberds for the local companies. The
Assembly in the following year, noting the inability or
refusal of train band officers to collect fines, empowered
two local magistrates to assist in the affair.
The second Dutch War (1665-1667) served to awaken
the colony to its vulnerability by sea and land. Newport,
being particularly open to attack by water, was ordered by
the Governor and Council meeting on the 28 th of May to
take a precise inventory of all arms, equipment and powder,
to repair defective guns, and to mount their great guns
so that they could be moved from place to place for the
island's defense. The General Assembly in July 2, 1667,
constituted the Captain and Lieutenant of each train band
to act with the town council in each community as a council
of defense, a troop of horse was authorized and the Gov-
ernor and Council were empowered to seize horses and
RHODE ISLAND TRAIN BANDS 35
ships of all sorts necessary for defense, to erect fortifica-
tions, and dispose all troops and great artillery as they
thought best. This emergency power was to continue until
the sitting of the General Assembly in October and "noe
longer," but at this session it was extended to the following
meeting. With what seems extraordinary celerity the troop
of horse, an organization of gentlemen volunteers, was
raised, with Mr. Peleg Sanford as Captain and Mr. John
Almy as Lieutenant. This organization was to drill six
times a year, and at all times to be under the orders of
the Governor and the Council.
The records for the next few years are very meagre j the
colony undoubtedly did not take its military duties very
seriously until in August of 1671 there were rumors of an
Indian uprising, when "there being a great necessity to put
the Colony in a posture of defence att this time" the town
Councils and Councils of War were ordered to meet in
Portsmouth at Mr. George Lawton's dwelling house to
consider some wayes and means for secureing the inhabi-
tants and their estates in these times of imminent danger."
It was also ordered that twenty horsemen, ten each from
Newport and Portsmouth, were to attend fully armed as
a protection for the council. This was probably the first
real duty of the newly organized cavalry and seems to
have about it a bit of "swank." The usual orders about
watches, ammunition, and surveillance of Indians were
restated and the Council of War disbanded.
The outbreak of the Third Dutch War, signalized in
America by the English loss of New York on July 30, 1 672,
caused more serious preparations throughout the colony.
A pension plan, designed "to take off some carefull, feare-
full and distractinge thoughts" of the colony's soldiers,
was enacted providing for care of the injured and in case
of the soldier's death, his dependents j it further allowed
the veteran or his family to sue the colony if the pension
were not forthcoming, a contingency which was antici-
pated, "forasmuch as too often faithful service is forgott
36 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
and the slain being hurried goe to the land of forgitfull-
ness." It was at this meeting of the General Assembly on
August 13, 1673, that the exemption from military service
for conscience sake was allowed.
The Rhode Island train bands were in a curious position
in the war against King Philip. Up to this time control of
the local companies had shuttled back and forth between
the General Assembly and the towns, with the towns in
control a larger part of the time. As late as October 27,
1675, the Assembly referred Captain John Cranston's plan
for a defense against "the dangerous hurries with the
Indians" to the Councils of War of the separate towns
for settlement, thus in effect rejecting unified action,
although on April 1 1, 1676, the Assembly reversed itself
and selected Cranston as commander-in-chief of the militia
with the rank of Major. The Assembly on March 13,
1675/76 wrote to Providence and Warwick, admitting that
the colony's military establishment was unable to maintain
garrisons to defend "our out Plantations" and urging them
to abandon their homes and take refuge on the island. For
the most part this advice was taken j some remained, among
them Roger Williams, who although seventy-seven years
old was commissioned a captain in command of the thirty
men "that stayed and went not away." Providence was
burned by the Indians on March 29 or 30, 1675/76, but
the few remaining inhabitants applied for a garrison and
the Assembly, after sending the usual committee of inves-
tigation on June 30, 1676, appointed a king's garrison of
ten men, eight to be paid by the colony and two by the
man in whose house the men were billetted. Arthur Fenner
was put in command of this unit and commissioned a
Captain. Fenner's commission is an interesting example of
the duality of the military system^ it authorized him to
command the king's garrison and all other private garri-
sons but "not eclipsinge Capt'n Williams power in the
exercise of the Traine Band there etc." The exemption
from military service for conscience sake was also repealed
RHODE ISLAND TRAIN BANDS 37
at this session, but after the death of Philip in August,
1676, the Assembly meeting in Newport on October 27
again allowed this exemption. With the Indian menace
removed the Assembly reduced the training days to two
a year, the second Monday in March and the second
Monday in September. With this reduction went all
semblance of an efficient military establishment.
If training days did not provide the colony with a first
class fighting force, they offered an excellent opportunity
for settling much civil and social business.
On March 11, 1659, the General Council of the
Colony ordered that the proclamation concerning "His
Highness, Richard, Lord Protector, be published in the
several towns on the Tuesday following, at the head of each
trainband and in the presence of all well-affected people."
Upon the receipt of the Royal Charter in 1663 Benedict
Arnold, the President of the Colony, sent warrants to the
captains of all the train bands to attend with all the free-
men "in their arms" the solemnizing of the receipt of the
charter. Providence, for one, did not obey this order, for
a minute in the town meeting of November 18, 1663,
orders "that concerning the warrant which came from the
president to send soldiers .to solemnize the receipt of the
charter that a letter be drawne up and sent to the Court of
Commissioners to Excuse the not going." The towns were
very slow about collecting their shares towards the expenses
of the colony's agents in England and in an effort to
speed up the collection Roger Williams wrote a letter to
each town. In Warwick his "pernissious" letter was read
before the military company at the general training on
March 26, 1666. Marriage banns were commonly read at
such times. Fines were collected and arms and equip-
ment were examined and deficiencies penalized.
Training days were in a sense fete days. The Rhode
Island records are less full of training day incidents than
those of the Bay Colony but conditions could not have
been much different. In addition to the train bands, the
38 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
towns were full of women and children j trade was brisk j
Indians came in to see the show and from the first beat
of the drum until the last delinquent had been fined there
was always something doing. That there was occasional
disorder is shown by the curious and not too clear case
noted in the town records of Providence of June 4, 1655,
"wheas there hath Bin greate debate this day about
Tho:01nie Rob: Williams Jon ffield Will Harris & others
concerning ye matter of a tumult and disturbance in ye
winter under a pretence of woluntarie training it was at
last concluded By wote that for ye Colonies sake who hat
chosen Tho:01nie an assistant & for ye public union &
peace sake it should be past By & no more mentioned."
This may very well have been a case of what Burns called
"social noise." These are the usual concomitants of citizen
soldiers who regard military training as a burden which is
to be eased by whatever distractions are at hand. Train-
ing of this type did not, of course, turn out finished sol-
diers, but it did provide the Colony with a semi-trained
reserve which could be drawn upon in cases of emergency.
Notes
The following persons have been elected to membership
in the Society:
Mrs. Francis P. Kent
Mrs. Charles F. Stearns
MY VISIT TO THE EASTWARD 39
Journal of My Visit to the Eastward
Commencing in August, 1781
By W. Rogers ^
Thursday August 9. Took leave of my dear Family at
8 o'clock in the Morning. The good Lord preserve them
in my Absence! Dined at Mr. Vanhorn's Southampton
who towards Evening was so obliging as to accompany me
to Newtown where we tarryed the Night at Mr. John
Hart's.
Friday Augt. 10. After Breakfast parted with Mr.
Vanhorn & Crossed the Delaware at Jones's. Rode Down
to Trenton on Business. Dined with Mr. Abraham Hunt
Mercht. & in the Afternoon proceeded to Hopewell. Mr.
Blackwell's where I spent the Evening & Lodged.
Saturday Augt. 1 1 . Breakfasted at Mr. S. Stout's — At
Rocky Hill met with Capt. Vananglen & Mr. Graham
(Two of my old Acquaintances) The latter designing for
Midd''ebrooke ( 14 Miles on my Way) had the Pleasure
of his Company for that Distance where — on our Arrival
— we Dined — After Dinner passed thro' Bound Brook &
Quibble Town & just at Dusk got to the Scot's Plains &
put up at Mr. Miller's. A pleasant Day this for Trav-
ellers!
Sunday Augt. 12. Wet Day. Preached A.M. Rev. Mr.
Miller P.M. Service being over refresh'd myself & went
to Mr. Stiles's Connecticut Farms.
Monday Augt. 13. It being a stormy Morning contin-
ued at Mr. Stiles's — P.M. Rode with Mr. Hampton to
Elizabeth Town & Returned at Dusk.
Tuesday Augt. 14. Breakfasted at Mr. Gursnman's
1. The original diary is in the possession of Senator Theodore Francis
Green. An earlier diarv of W. Rogers was printed in the October 1939
issue of the R. I. H. S. Collections, p. 117, with a note in regard to
W. Rogers, written bv Senator Green.
40 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Lyons Farms — spent some Time at Mr. M. Ogden's
Newark: Crossed the Ferry at Second River. Passed
thro' Hackinsack, Swedenburg & Clarker to Dobb's Ferry
North River, Refreshed myself at Col: Dayton's Quar-
ters and then Crossed — Saw Col: Olney & Invited to tarry
with him, spent the Evening with Col: L. Butler who
with Col: Olney were extremely obliging.
Wednesday Augt. 15. Breakfasted with Col: Olney —
Visited Headquarters. Dined at the Adjutant General's.
Forwarded pr. Express a Letter to Mrs. Rogers Inclosed
in One to Col: Miles. Spent the Evening at Genl. Parson's
in Company with Messrs. Hitchcock Baldwin & Barlow
3 Chaplains.
Thursday Augt. 16. Breakfasted with Col: Olney &
Introduc'd to the Acquaintance of Major Lyman A. D.
Camp to Gen'l. Heath who Invited me on my Return to
Tarry at his Quarters. After Breakfast got ready to Renew
my Journey & Made a Halt at the French Encampment
to see the Manuvers of the Barbonnois Reg't. which af-
forded the highest satisfaction. Dined at Kingstreet and
obliged on Acct. of a Banditti who Infest the Sound Road
between Kingstreet & Stamford by the Names of Cowboys
& Skinners to alter my Intended Rout & strike up the
Country to Bedford from thence proceeded thro' a Part
of Lower Salem and having fallen into Company with a
Mr. Keeler of Ridgefield Parish Invited to put up at his
House, did so & was kindly Entertain'd.
Friday Augt. 1 7. Breakfasted at Mr. Keeler's & then
took my Departure. Rode thro' Wilton where missing my
way owing to the blind Directions of the Inhabitants got
into the N. East Part of Norwalk old Town & Immedi-
ately fell into the main Post Road. Dined at Fairfield
which with Norwalk were burnt by the Enemy in 1779.
P.M. Moved slowly on through Stratfield or Poquonot,
Stratford and Milford. Between Strattford & Milford
crossed a Ferry. At 9 o'clock in ye Even, arrived at New
Haven Exceedingly fatigued & Lodged at Mr. Helme's
MY VISIT TO THE EASTWARD 41
who with his Lady had just returned from a visit to
Providence etc.
Saturday Augt. 1 8. Tarryed at New Haven. Dined at my
Lodgings. Drank Tea at Dr. Stile's where I commenc'd
an Acquaintance with Mr. Fitch a Tutor in College.
Sunday Augt. 19. Preached A.M. in College Hall for
Presidt. Miles. Dined at Rev: Mr. Edward's (son of the
famous Presidt. Edwards of New Jersey College) for
whom I officiated in the After part of the Day to a very
attentive Audience. Felt much Freedom in speaking at
Each Place. May God bless his Word! Evening very Rainy.
Monday Augt. 20. About 9oc'k. left New Haven &
Crossed the Ferry contiguous to the Town — Dined at East
Guildford — Just before Sunsett Crossed Saybrook Ferry
and purposed reaching Mr. Durfee's at Rope Ferry but
the Badness of the Roads added to the Darkness of the
Evening obliged me to put up at a House kept by one
Capt. Lee in the Parish of Lyme 3 1/2 Miles Short of my
Intended Stage.
Tuesday Augt. 21. Crossed Rope Ferry & Breakfasted
at Mr. Durfee's after which proceeded on to N, London
where making no Tarry I crossed over to Groton & Stop'd
at Capt. Belton's, Rested Till after Dinner being consid-
erably unwell with a Bad Cold. Entertained very Kindly!
P.M. Jogged slowly on & falling accidentally at Ston-
ington in Company with Mrs. Tanner & Mrs. Bennett we
alighted at Mr. L Rhodes's and Took Tea! Early in the
Evening Reached Bro'r. Daniel's where besides his own
Family I had also the Pleasure of meeting with Sisters
Lydia and Sally — All in comfortable Health!
Wednesday Augt. 22. Spent the Afternoon at Doctr.
Babcock's.
Friday, Augt. 24. Dined & spent the Day at Dr. Bab-
cock's.
Saturday Augt. 25. Went to Seventh Day Meeting &
Invited to preach, Declined. Heard Revd. Mr. Burdick —
P.M. A Preacher by ye Name of Saunders called to see
me to Converse upon some Religious Points — Poor Man!
42 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
O Lord, when shall thy People be Deliver'd from such
Ignorant Teachers?
Sunday Augt. 26. At 3 o'clock in the Afternoon preached
at Hopkinton,
Monday Augt. 27. Breakfasted Early & then in Com-
pany with Dan'l & Capt. Dorrance sat out for Bro'r.
Robert's in Coventry. Went via Volentown & Tarryed
Dinner at Capt. Dorrance's. Just at Dusk got to Robert's
having Rode about 39 miles, found him & Family with
sister Barker well.
Tuesday Augt. 28. After Breakfast Dan'l. & Myself
proceeded on to Providence, arrived about 1 1 o'clock.
Dined at our Brother Johnny's. Spent the Evening &
Lodged at B'r. Josey's. The Families of Each are very
prettily settled! Presidt. Manning with us in the bigger
Part of the Afternoon. Deliver'd him the Letter from our
Church and urg'd his Complyance.
Wednesday Augt. 29. Breakfasted at Mr. Jos: Brown's.
Visited Dr. Eyres & Mr. Hoell in North Provid'e. Dined
with Mr. Manning & Dan'l. at Mr. Nich's. Brown's where
Towards Even'g. I Enjoyed considerable Chat with a Mr.
Flint.
Thursday. Augt. 30. Dined at Mr. Carter's. Forwarded
Letters via Camp to Mrs. Rogers — Mr. Kelly & Col:
Miles. Met at Josey's in the Evening to look over old
Accounts relative to ye Estate.
Friday Augt. 31. About 1/2 past 8 o'clock left Provi-
dence, having Daniel's Horse he consenting to go Down
by Water, Crossed Lower Ferry & Rode Via Miles's
Bridge, Stopped at Mr. Thompson's who being out I did
not see. Dined at Mr. John Childs's in Warren. After
Dinner went to Capt. Comer's & called with him upon
Mr. & Mrs. Troop whose Daughter Mrs. Sarah Cogge-
shall lays in an awfull despairing Condition — ^talked and
prayed with her — All seemingly to no Effect! Heavy
showers successively coming on detain'd me at Capt.
Comer's Till after Tea. Arrived at Bristol Ferry before
sunsett but did not get over 'till after Dark, however as
MY VISIT TO THE EASTWARD 43
the Moon began to give Light I proceeded forward on the
West Road & Lodged at Cousin Rogers's in Middletown
— who with my other Relations were very glad to see me.
Saturday Sept. 1. Breakfasted & then went to Dear
Newport, put up at my worthy Uncle's, his Family except-
ing himself in usual health. P.M. Preached for Mr. Bliss.
Drank Tea with Uncle Aunt Mrs. Manning etc. at Mr.
Willson's whose son Rob't has lately Dyed in the West
Indies.
Sunday Sept. 2. Preached both Parts of the Day in
Trinity Church for Uncle Thurston to attentive Audi-
tories, Felt thro' Mercy great Composure & much Free-
dom! — This being Communion Day partook with my
Brethren, it was a Comfortable Season Indeed! Drank Tea
at Mrs. Anthony's with Mrs. Manning, Spent the Evening
at Home somewhat fatigued.
Monday Sept. 3. Dined at Mr. Hazard's. P.M. Rode
with Mrs, Manning to Elder Bliss's where with Uncle &
Aunt Thurston we tarryed t'ill near Dusk. This Part of
the Island known by the Name of Green End exceedingly
alter'd.
Tuesday Sept. 4. Mr. S. Anthony was so obliging as to
take me out in a Chair with him. Enjoyed an agreeable
Forenoon in Viewing the Beaches, Works &c. Dined at
Uncle's. Drank Tea with Mrs. S. Gardner. At Candle
Light a Number of Blacks met at Uncle's, he gave them
a Word of Exhortation and I concluded with Prayer.
Wednesday Sept. 5. Wrote to Mrs. Rogers by a Mr.
Livingston, an unexpected Opportunity. Intended this
Day for Providence but prevented by a Head Wind. Spent
ye Afternoon at Mrs. Fowler's — Met with Dr. Kendall
of Phila.
Thursday Sept. 6. At 9 o'clock A.M. took Passage on
Board Capt. Tillinghast for Providence, Mrs. Manning &
other Ladies in Company. Head Wind till One o'clock
when a Breeze came up in our Favor. Arrived before Tea
Time. Lodged at Brother Josey's.
Friday Sept. 7 A.M. Reed, a Letter from Mr. Stillman
44 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
pressing me to visit Boston. Dined at Presidt. Manning's.
P.M. Reed, a Letter pr. Post from my good Friend Mr.
Kelly dated 19th Aug't. Informing me of the Situation
&c. of my Family. Disagreeable Tidings this Day in Town
respecting New London. Took Tea with Dr. Richmond
& Lodged at Johnny's.
Saturday Sept. 8. Further Accounts arrived respecting
New London & Groton. Dined at Josey's.
Sunday Sept. 9. Had the Pleasure of hearing Mr. Man-
ning preach A.M. Officiated for him P.M. to a Crowded
Auditory. Put a Letter in ye Post office for Mr. Kelly in
Answer to his to me.
Monday Sep: 10, In Company with Presidt. Manning
& Bror. Josey set out after Breakfast for South Brimfield.
Passed thro' Johnson & Gloucester Rh: Island State. Dined
at Mr. John Jones's at Killingley Connecticut. P. M. Rode
thro' a Part of Pomfret on to Woodstock & put up for the
Night at one Mr. Coles whose Wife is a Member of Provi-
dence Church. Journey to Day 38 Miles.
Tuesday Sep : 11. Breakfasted Early & Rode on to
Sturbridge old Town Mass. to State where we parted with
Josey. Overtook Several Brethren going to the Associa-
tion— Got to S. Brimheld abt. 12 o'clock, distant from
Woodstock 22 Miles. Course from Providence N.W.
Rainy Afternoon. Association open'd at 2 o'clock, Serm'n.
by Mr. Hunt of Middleburg from 2. Cor: 10.4. After-
wards Letters from the Respective Churches & other Asso-
ciations as usual were Read. Sermn. at Candle Light by
myself. Put up with Messrs. Manning, Backus, Parker,
Gier &c. at Mr. Codding's, the Minister of South Brim-
field Churche.
Wednesday Sep: 12. The whole Day exclusive of a
Short Interruption taken up in Business — Matters of great
Importance were attended to and the highest Unanimity
prevail'd — Ser'mn. in the Evening by Mr. Backus from
8th Ch: Dent: 2. Verse.
To be concluded
45
Rhode Island Historical Society
Treasurer's Report
INCOME ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1939
Receipts
Annual Dues $ 1 ,960.00
Dividends and Interest 3,278.89
Rental of Rooms 105.00
State Appropriation 1,375.00
$6,718.89
ExPHNDirURES
Binding $ 24.83
Books 138.70
Electric Light and Gas '. 67.48
Lectures 72.96
Expense 60.24
Grounds and Building 3 5.50
Newspaper I 2.50
Publications ' 3 1 7.34
Salaries 5,63 5.00
Supplies 83.80
Telephone 57.45
Water 8.00
Surplus Income Account 205.09
$6,718.89
46 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
STATEMENT OF CONDITION, DECEMBER 31 1939
Assets
Grounds and Building $ 25,000.00
Investments:
Bonds
$5,000. Bethlehem Steel Corp. 4>^s, 1960 $5,225.00
3,000. Commonwealth Edison Co. 3>4s, 1968 3,274.46
3,000. Consolidated Gas Co. of N. Y. 3>4s,
1946 3,131.25
3,000. ContinentalOilCo. of Del. 2^s, 1948 3,263.21
4,000. Dominion of Canada, 5s, 1952 4,003.91
500. New York Central R. R. Co. 3>4s,
1952 509.39
3,000. Pacific Gas & Electric Co. 3 ^s, 1961 . 3.338.21
500. Pennsylvania Railroad Co. 3)4s, 195 2 500.00
1,000. Pennsylvania R. R. Co. Deb. 4>4s,
'l970 922.50
2,000. Phillips Petroleum Co. 3s, 1948 2,200.49
1,000. Potomac Edison Co. 4^^/61 1,092.82
2,000. U. S. Steel Corp, 3>4s, 1948 2,115.49
Stocks
10 shs. Allied Chemical & Dye Corp 1,732.15
70 shs. American Telephone & Telegraph Co. 6,591.72
40 shs. Bankers Trust Co. of N. Y 2,61 5.00
45 shs. Blackstonc Canal Nat'l Bank & Tr. Co. 1,050.00
40 shs. Consolidated Edison Co. Preferred 4,172.80
I 0 shs. E. I. duPont de Nemours Co. Common 1 ,489.25
2 shs. Guaranty Trust Co. of N. Y 706.00
20 shs. International Nickel Co. of Can 1,064.48
350 shs. Providence Gas Co 5,755.68
1 5 shs. Providence National Bank 1,508.22
45 shs. Public Service Corp. of N. J 4,317.63
20 shs. Standard Oil Co. of N. J. .' 963.24
10 shs. Wcstinghouse Electric &"Mfg. Co. 1,137.08
Savings Account 4,037.5 8
66,717.56
Cash on hand 2,979. 1 4
$94,696.70
TREASURER S REPORT 47
Liabilities
Equipment Fund $ 25,000.00
Permanent Endowment Fund:
Samuel M. Noyes $12,000.00
Henry J. Steere 1 0,000.00
James H. Bugbee 6,000.00
Charles H. Smith 5,000.00
William H. Potter 3,000.00
Charles W. Parsons 4,000.00
Esek A. Jillson 2,000.00
John Wilson Smith 1,000.00
William G. Weld 1,000.00
Charles C. Hoskins 1,000.00
Charles H. Atwood 1 ,000.00
Edwin P. Anthony +,000.00
John F. Street 1,000.00
George L. Shepley 5,000.00
Franklin Lyceum Memorial 734.52
Sarah P. Blake 1 24.00
56,858.52
Publication Fund:
Robert P. Brown 2,000.00
Ira P. Peck 1 ,000.00
William Gammell , 1,000.00
Albert J. Jones 1,000.00
William Ely 1,000.00
Julia Bullock 500.00
Charles H. Smith 100.00
6,600.00
Life Membership 5,600.00
Book Fund 3,0 1 2.4 1
Reserve 800.11
Revolving Publication Fund 268.45
Surplus Income Account 713.77
$98,853.26
Profit and Loss 4,1 56.56
$94,696.70
48 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
PRINCIPAL ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1939
Receipts
Continental Can $ 832.60
Wisconsin Electric 4, 1 47.20
61 Broadway 1 ,3 52.84
Lehigh Valley Coal 14.37
Lehigh Valley Railroad 1 34.24
Providence Nat'l Corp 5.40
Atchison Topeka & Santa Fe 1 ,787.46
New York Central 95 3.89
Penn. Water & Power 1,034.25
Central Manufacturing District 3,142.47
Texas Power & Light 1 ,038.00
Minn. Power & Light 4,1 57.43
Western Massachusetts 3,1 10.59
Ohio Power 2,040.00
Penn. Railroad 2,766.60
Gulf State Utilities 1,060.00
Bequest of Sarah Blake 1 24.00
Standard Oil of N. J 12.81
Reserve Fund 62.79
Revolving Publication Fund 10.50
$27,787.44
Balance January 1, 1939 2,561.28
$30,348.72
TREASURER S REPORT
Payments
Commonwealth F.dison $3,274.46
Pacific Gas 3,3 38.21
U. S. Steel 2, 1 H .49
Continental Oil 3,263.2 1
Consolidated Kdison 4,1 72.80
Potomac Edison 1,092.82
Standard Oil of N. J 976.05
Phillips Petroleum 2,200.49
Allied Chemical & Dye Co 1,732.15
E'dupont de Nemours Common 1 ,489.25
International Nickel 1 ,064.48
Westinghouse Electric 1,1 37.08
Savings Account 2,037.58
Reserve : 189.28
$28,083.35
Balance December 31, 1939 2,265.37
$30,348.72
Respectfulh' submitted.
Robert T. Downs,
Treasurer
January 1940
Form of Legacy
"/ give and bequeath to the R/iode Island
Historical Society tlic sum of
dollars.''^
^
Roger Williams Press M^HJ'
E. A. Johnson Co.
PROVIDENCK
Rhode I
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXXIII
JULY, 1940
No. 3
TEAPOT, BY S.AUNDERS PITM.AN, PROVIDENCE, R. I., 17o2-1804
Museum of Art, Rhode Island School of Design
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island
CONTENTS
PAGE
Teapot by Saunders Pitman . . . . C
over
Rhode Island Silversmiths
by Dorothy Needham Casey ... 49
Journal of My Visit to the Eastward
by W. Rogers ...... 65
RHODE *^^ ISLAND
HISTORICAL ^^MmJ SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XXXIII JULY, 1940 No. 3
Charles F. Stearns, President Robert T. Downs, Treasurer
William Davis Miller, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
Rhode Island Silversmiths
Dorothy Needham Casey
Rhode Island, although territorially the smallest state
in the Union, has been one of the largest in its contribution
to the development of this country. According to history
this state was one of the first in colonization and one of the
most persistent in its struggles as an English Colony. Later,
determined to establish independence, it declared its free-
dom two months prior to the other colonies. Active in the
conflict was General Nathanael Greene, second to none but
General Washington and one whom we proudly claim as a
native son. In cultural activities, Rhode Island ranked
among the foremost, but in no held better than in that of
art. Gilbert Stuart, a native of our state, is acknowledged
one of the greatest of the American portrait painters, while
Edward Greene Malbone, also a Rhode Islander, gained
fame as a miniature artist.
Not only in the tine arts are we able to claim distinction,
but in the applied arts as well. John Goddard, the famous
cabinetmaker of Newport, is the craftsman whom every
furniture connoisseur wishes to name as the maker of his
50 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
secretary or chest of drawers. The Newport School of
cabinetmakers including, besides Goddard, Job Townsend,
the father-in-law of Goddard, and John Townsend, to-
gether with other members of these families, have earned
for themselves meritable reputations.
The silversmiths of Newport were outstanding in their
craft and were the veritable founders of the great jewelry
and silver industries which have been developed to such an
extent in Providence during the last century and a half.
Unfortunately the wealth of Newport was somewhat dis-
persed when the British seized the city and occupied it for
about three years during the American Revolution. Some
of the Yankees retreated to Providence, while others fled
to neighboring states. With the exodus of the Newport
patriots, opportunities arose for the founding of industries
in Providence, where some of them settled.
The English Colonies encouraged trade with the West
Indies, and as a consequence, much Spanish coin was
brought to New England. With no banks to insure the
security of their money, many people, fearful of having it
stolen, took the coins to silversmiths and had them made
into pieces of hollowware. These pieces could, of course,
be much more easily identified than coins and flatware, and
thus loss by theft was less likely.
Some of our early silver was presented to churches for
use in communion services, and as a result, many of our
Rhode Island churches are extremely rich in this early craft.
While many pieces have been carefully preserved as
family heirlooms, teasets and other matching pieces have
been unfortunately separated for distribution among heirs.
This mistake has often been made, and much interest as
well as monetary value has been lost because of a reluctance
to give up what one had a legal right to claim.
Those who wished to be fashionable in the style of their
silver had their old pieces melted and remodeled in the
fashion of the day by contemporary silversmiths. In some
instances the original pieces were not completely destroyed.
RHODE ISLAND SILVERSMITHS
51
but were converted from tankards to water pitchers or
coffeepots by the addition of lips. Each period sponsored
a style of its own and while all do not equal in beauty, it is
far better to accept the styles as they are than to interrupt
the development of the pieces with alterations.
Rhode Island was most fortunate to have outstanding
silversmiths in both Newport and Kingston during the late
seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. With more
wealth in Newport during this period than in New York,
the early craftsmen prospered, and fortunately many of
their examples have survived to our day.
Arnold Collins was one of the most noteworthy of the
early Rhode Island silversmiths and in 1 690, made the seal,
"Anchor and Hope," for the state emblem. A fine example
TANKARD, BY ARNOLD COLLINS, NEWPORT, R. L,
WORKED 1690 — DIED 1735
Museum of Art, Rhode Island School of Design
52 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
of his work is a flat-topped tankard with a body tapering
toward the base. Near the molding at the base is a band of
inverted heart-shaped devices in cut-card work. This type
of decoration more closely resembles that made in New
York. Inserted in the lid is a French ecu bearing a portrait
of Louis XV, King of France and Navarre. The tip for the
hollow, S-shaped handle is decorated with a crest and the
Latin and Gaelic inscriptions, Through d'ifficulty. The
maker's mark, the only guarantee that the silver was of
good quality, was formed of Collins' initials, AC, within a
rectangle. In England, it has been obligatory for centuries
to impress silver with a government assay, date letter and
city mark. By these marks, the owners have been assured of
sterling quality. Frequently the silversmiths added their
own initials. Here, in America, there was no legal standard
and although the silver preserved to us presents an appear-
ance of high quality, it may vary somewhat. However,
analyses have proved that our early silversmiths must have
been men of integrity.
Probably the leading early Rhode Island silversmiths
was another Newport craftsman, Samuel Vernon. He was
born there in 1683 the son of Daniel and Ann (Dyer)
Vernon and the great-grandson of Ann Hutchinson. She
and her husband, William, migrated to Massachusetts Bay
Colony in 1 634. With others of her belief, she was banished
from the colony and settled in Rhode Island in 1 638. Later
she was massacred in New York by the Indians. Her great-
ness was undoubtedly perpetuated in the success of several
of her descendants who became silversmiths. Among them
were possibly the greatest American silversmiths, Edward
Winslow of Boston, and John Coddington of Newport, as
well as Samuel Vernon.
Perhaps the work of Vernon is the most eagerly sought
Rhode Island silver, and many fine examples of his hollow-
ware prove his skill in this held. The pieces vary from
tankards, beakers, patens and porringers to interesting flat-
ware. A fork with two tines and bearing his mark is a great
RHODE ISLAND SILVERSMITHS
53
rarity which has recently been purchased by the Museum of
Art, Rhode Island School of Design,
Vernon was also well-known for his assistance in helping
to decide the boundary line between Massachusetts and
New Hampshire in 1 737. He belonged to a family skilled
in designing and making silver, Edward Winslow being his
PORRINGER AND SPOON, BY SAMUEL VERNON,
NEWPORT, R. I., 1683-1737
Museum of Art, Rhode Island School of Design
54
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
second cousin. The mark of the latter bears the fleur-de-lis
as does that of Vernon, S\\ with this floral motif, appears
sometimes within a rectangle, but more frequently within
a heart-shaped device.
John Coddington, whose family records appeared in
England in 1200, was born in Newport in 1690, the son of
Nathaniel and Susanna ( Hutchinson ) Coddington. Not
only was he, also, the great-grandson of Ann Hutchinson,
but was the grandson of William Coddington, the first
governor of the Colony of Rhode Island. With such an
ancestry, it is not unnatural that he left a fine record as a
statesman and silversmith. As a Member of the House of
Deputies seven times between the years 1721 and 1729, a
Clerk of the Assembly in 1723, 1727 and 1728, a Protho-
CUP, BY JOHN CODDINGTON, NEWPORT, R. I., 1690-1743
Mtiseuin of Art, Rhode Island School of Design
RHODE ISLAND SILVERSMITHS 55
notary, or chief notary, in 1727 and three times a Sheriff
between 1733 and 1735, we wonder that he had any time
to devote to his craft. In 1 726 he was also a Colonel of the
Militia.
Many pieces of his silver have been preserved to us and
in the Museum of Art, Rhode Island School of Design,
there are two fine pieces of hollowware, one a tankard with
stepped and domed lid, and the other a cup with the lower
section of the jug-shaped body embellished with gadroon-
ing. The handle is of the S-shaped strap type. The maker's
mark, IC within an emblem resembling a fruit, is inipressed
on both of these pieces. Coddington died in 1743 at fifty-
three years of age.
Very few Providence silversmiths worked here in the
middle of the eighteenth century. A craftsman about whose
life very little is known was Joshua Doane, who died in
1753. A fine tankard by him of the plain type with the body
flaring toward the base and interrupted by a mid-band may
be seen in the Mabel Brady Garvan Collection, Museum of
Fine Arts, Yale University. It has the stepped and domed
lid surmounted by a finial, while the S-shaped handle
terminates in a mask tip.
It is most interesting to know that not only did our
American silversmiths work in silver, but occasionally in
gold. Jonathan Clarke, who worked in Newport in 1 734,
made a small gold buckle for use on a suspender. Although
so small as to be scarcely adequate to bear the maker's mark,
IC within a rectangle, it is legibly impressed twice with the
mark on the back. It is the property of Mr. Joseph Cushing
of Providence and was lent by him to the Museum of Art,
Rhode Island School of Design for its Rhode Island Art
Treasures Exhibition held during the past winter. Marked
gold is very rare, and we seldom see these unusual pieces.
Another silversmith of whom little is known worked in
Newport during the middle of the eighteenth century. He
was Daniel Russell. Whenever his name is mentioned, the
beautiful baptismal bowl made by him for Trinity Church
56
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
in Newport is immediately recalled. It was bequeathed by
Nathaniel Kay, collector of royal customs in the town, and
who made similar bequests to other Episcopal churches
throughout the state in 1734. His great interest in the
Episcopal Church was made evident when he, together with
several others, presented a petition to Queen Anne in 1713
requesting that a bishop be appointed over the Church of
England in the Colonie:^
Another outstanding Newport craftsman who was born
in 1723 in Sandwich, Massachusetts, was Jonathan Otis.
TWO CASTERS, BY JONATHAN OTIS,
NEWPORT, R. I., MIDDLETOWN, CONN., 1723-1791
Museum of Art, Rhode Island School of Design
RHODE ISLAND SILVERSMITHS
57
At the time of the British occupation of Newport, he fled
to Middletown, Connecticut, where he worked until his
death in 1791. Casters, which were used for sprinkling-
sugar on to muffins, were frequently made by him. They
were of the style known as the vase-shaped type and reflect
the influence of the classic revival which was evident in all
of our arts and crafts during the latter part of the eighteenth
century.
Samuel Casey, son of Samuel and Dorcas (Ellis) Casey,
was born probably in Newport about 1 724. His grand-
father, Thomas Casey, settled here about 1658. The
parents of the silversmith lived in Newport for some time,
later moved to North Kingstown and then to Exeter be-
tween 1 740 and 1 742. It was here that Casey was admitted
as a freemen in 1 745. In Exeter, he established himself as
SOUTH KINGSTOWN, R. I.,
c. 1724-c. 1773
Museum of Art, Rhude Hand School of Design
58 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
a silversmith, and a few years later, at Curtis Corners joined
in partnership with his brother, Gideon. In 1763, when
the latter moved to Warwick, he sold his interest in the
property to Samuel. One year later, his house, together
with its furnishings, burned causing a loss of approximately
five thousand pounds.
After this disaster, Samuel moved to the Helme House
in Little Rest, now known as Kingston, where he continued
to work for nearly six years. It was here that he began his
counterfeiting of Spanish coins. After being convicted of
this crime and sentenced to hang, he was freed from prison
by a number of friends who broke into the jail and released
him. Despite the efforts of the authorities to locate him,
he was never seen after his escape, although it is believed
that several residents of Little Rest were quite aware of
his whereabouts.
Casey was probably the greatest Rhode Island silver-
smith of that period. Great variety is found in his hollow-
ware — porringers, casters, cups, creamers and teapots. An
outstanding piece, historically, is a tankard made by him
for presentation to Ezra Stiles when he resigned his Tutor-
ship at Yale College in 1755. Two beautifully wrought
pieces, still in Rhode Island, are pear-shaped teapots. One
was made for Abigail Robinson, whose initials and arms
appear on the side in elaborate engraving. It is the property
of Mrs. Everitte St. John Chaffee of Providence. A similar
piece is owned by the Newport Historical Society.
Gideon Casey, the brother of Samuel, never attained such
fame. Although in partnership with his brother for a dec-
ade, scarcely any examples of Gideon's work can be found.
Two spoons with the shell and drop on the back of the bowl
are included in the famous Mabel Brady Garvan Collec-
tion. These bear the maker's mark, G: CASEY within a
rectangle, on the back of the handle.
John Hancock, possessing the same name as the great
American statesman, was born in Charlestown, Massachu-
setts, in 1732, the son of John and Susanna (Chickering)
RHODE ISLAND SILVERSMITHS 59
Hancock. He finally came to Providence and in 1760 was
married to Martha Sparhawk. Little more information
than this can be found relating to him, except the fine re-
maining examples of his work. A beautiful tankard with
mid-band and flame finial is in the Clearwater Collection
in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. It was wrought by
him from silver coin for Benjamin Wyman of Woburn,
Massachusetts.
Henry Pitman settled in Nassau, New Providence, one
of the Bahama Islands, about 1666. His son, John, mar-
ried Mary Saunders and after the burning of the town by
French and Spaniards in July 1703, moved to Newport in
1710. So much misfortune resulted in the early deaths of
this couple in 1711. These were the ancestors of Saunders
Pitman, a Providence silversmith. He w^orked in a three
story house on the west side of North Main Street. In a
quotation from Mechanics Festival and Historic Sketches
— Providence 1 860, we read, "Industrious in his business,
CREAMER, BY SAUNDERS PITMAN,
PROVIDENCE, R. I., 1732-1804
Aluseuii! of Art, R/ioJe Island School of Design
60 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
punctual in his dealings, and exemplary in his morals, he
uniformly sustained, through life, a fair and unimpeached
character."
He was a very prolific craftsman, and many pieces still
exist as evidence of his excellent work. One of the most
interesting and unique pieces is a large water pitcher with
bulbous body and hawk's beak lip. It is the property of the
Estate of Nathaniel Herreshoff of Bristol. His teapots,
creamers and flatware were very popular in the vicinity of
Providence.
Two boat-shaped sauce boats, each with three hoof feet
and long lip, are beautifully wrought pieces by Thomas
Arnold of Newport. He was born in 1739 and died in
1828. These fine pieces are the property of Mr. William
Davis Miller of Wakefield.
Another interesting piece by Arnold is a saucepan with
a wooden handle at right angles to the lip. It is on exhibi-
tion in the Mabel Brady Garvan Collection. Pear-shaped
creamers, mounted on cabriole legs, introducing the curves
of the rococo style, and flatware may also be found bearing
his mark, sometimes impressed with his initials, and occa-
sionally with surname in full.
Joseph Perkins, son of Edward and Elizabeth (Brenton )
Perkins, was born in South Kingstown in 1 749. Governor
William Brenton was his great-grandfather. Perkins' occu-
pations were quite varied as he was a merchant, gunsmith
and silversmith of Little Rest. In addition to these duties
he served for one year in 1781 with the Kingston Reds, an
independent company of the militia. He died in 1789 in
the fortieth year of his age. Since he was interested chiefly
in mercantile pursuits, we find his work as a silversmith
was retarded. This is evidenced by a failure to find a greater
variety and number of pieces, his silverware being com-
prised principally of flatware such as buckles and spoons.
Thomas Coverly, although listed only as a silversmith
of Newburyport, Massachusetts, has been reported to have
worked in Newport in 1 760. A can, a drinking vessel with
RHODE ISLAND SILVERSMITHS 61
a bulbous body and double scroll handle, is an interesting
piece by him in the Collection of the Museum of Art, Rhode
Island School of Design. His mark, T. COVERLY with-
in a rectangle, is impressed on the base.
Another Newport silversmith who was born in 1753 was
Daniel Rogers, chosen deputy to the Assembly from New-
port in 1792, the year of his death. Porringers, cans and
flatware appear today as evidence of his skill as a silver-
smith,
A silversmith who was born in Wickford in 1730 was
William Waite, the son of Benjamin and Abigail (Hall)
Waite. Not only was he a craftsman, but was also a preacher
of the gospel in the Baptist ministry. Although listed as a
silversmith with his mark, W: WAITE within a rectangle,
I have not yet seen a piece wrought by him. Since he later
moved to Cambridge, New York, one might find examples
of his work in that vicinity.
His brother, John Waite, is represented by many fine
pieces. He, also, was born in Wickford. His great-grand-
father, Samuel, was one of the original landholders in this
town. John probably went to live at the home of his elder
brother. Dr. Benjamin Waite, in South Kingstown, and
while there, became apprenticed to Samuel Casey.
"He was one of the petitioners to the Assembly for a
charter for an independent company of militia under the
name of the 'Kingston Reds.' The charter was granted in
the October Session, 1775, and within less than one year
Waite had become Captain and remained in command until
May of the year 1799 ....
" . . . . In May, 1787, he was appointed as the Fifth
Justice of the Supreme Court of the State, but for reasons
now unknown he declined. Nine years later he was again
appointed to the Bench, this time as a Justice of the Com-
mon Pleas of Washington County and this time he accepted
and retained this position until 1799, the same year that he
resigned as commander of the Kingston Reds. He was a
62 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Justice of the Peace from 1791 to 1796 and from 1799
until his death on October 19, 1817.'"
An interesting pair of sugar tongs attributed to him by
Mr. William Davis Miller, the owner, are of the early bow
type. The arms are nicely designed with undulating leaf
scrolls and terminate in shell tips. Instead of the usual
marks, I. WAITE or J. WAITE, J. W, within a rectangle
is impressed on each arm. Porringers, creamers and flat-
ware were also made by him.
Nathaniel Helme, son of Judge James and Esther
(Powell) Helme, was the great-grandson of Gabriel Ber-
non, a Huguenot of North Kingstown. Despite the fact
that his family possessed wealth, Nathaniel was an enter-
prising young man and produced some beautiful pieces of
silver. Undoubtedly he would have achieved great success
had his career not been interrupted by death early in life,
he having died in South Kingstown in 1789 in the twenty-
ninth year of his age.
Because of this, few pieces remain from which to judge
his work. A porringer with a keyhole handle is the prop-
erty of Mr. Frank Mauran, Jr., of Providence.
Ezekiel Burr, a Providence craftsman, who was born in
1 764, produced much flatware — ladles and spoons of great
variety may be found bearing his mark. In 1792, he was
in business with his brother, William, and maintained a
shop a little south of the Baptist Meeting House.
Another Providence silversmith was Calvin Wheaton,
who worked in gold and silver in 1790 in a shop opposite
Governor Fenner's house and in 1791 at the sign of the
Clock opposite the Friend's Meeting House. A beautiful
serving spoon, large enough to serve the Thanksgiving
dinner, is in the Collection of the Museum of Art, Rhode
Island School of Design. It is decorated with the bright-cut
engraving which became so popular at the close of the
eighteenth century.
^See "The Silversmiths of Little Rest," by William Davis Miller.
RHODE ISLAND SILVERSMITHS 63
Seril Dodge was a Providence gold- and silversmith as
well as a watch- and clockmaker. He maintained a shop in
1788 just north of the Baptist Meeting House on North
Main Street and was particularly well-known for the shoe
buckles which he wrought. A little creamer with an urn-
shaped body and splay base was made by him of the silver
buttons from Esek Hopkins' uniform. It is now owneci by
Mrs. Elizabeth C. Babbitt of Boston. Later, Seril Dodge
moved to Pomfret, Connecticut, where he died in 1802.
Nehemiah Dodge, a silversmith and jeweler as well,
established himself in Providence about 1798. He was
situated on North Main Street in a shop on the Roger
Williams estate. There are examples of his flatware vary-
ing from pieces decorated with bright-cut engraving to
those with coffin-shaped and flddle back candles. These
prove his merit as a silversmith, but he is, perhaps, of
greater importance to Providence and its history as an early
manufacturer of moderately-priced jewelry.
It was said of him, "He possessed great energy and
activity, and the industry of a long life was crowned with
success."
John C. Jenckes, whose record as a Christian could not
possibly have been surpassed, was a silversmith who worked
as an apprentice to John Gibbs in a shop on the corner of
Westminster and Exchange Streets, After the death of
Mr. Gibbs in 1798, Jenckes went into partnership with
Eliza Gibbs, the widow. This continued for two years, and
after that he carried on business alone on Friendship Street.
Another Providence silversmith was Pardon Miller, who
died in 1800. Although most of the pieces by him were
flatware, there is a lovely porringer with a keyhole handle
bearing his mark and owned by Mrs. Robert L. Blackinton
of Providence.
There were many more craftsmen of this period who pro-
duced silver, particularly flatware. Among them were
Elnathan C. Brown, Christopher Burr, Walter Cornell,
William Hamlin, B. H. Tisdale and Peleg Weeden.
64 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
George Baker, who worked in 1825 in Providence,
wrought several teasets. They were large in size and ornate
in decoration. Beautiful gadrooning was usually overpow-
ered by the heavy ungraceful shapes. Flower heads were
frequently used as finials, while the bases were generally
large and cumbersome. As a whole the pieces lacked the
delicacy and excellent proportions, developed to such great
extent in the eighteenth century. The love of simplicity
among the Colonists and early Americans of the Republic
continued for more than one hundred and fifty years. After
all simple designs and shapes had been exhausted, extreme
ornamentation was again introduced.
These craftsmen all helped to establish an industry in
Providence that has continued to the present day. Not only
was it the skill of these early Rhode Island silversmiths,
but also their ideals and determination to succeed which
helped to raise the industrial standard of this country.
Although, as already stated, no standard of silver existed
in this country in the early days, the quality of the metal
compares very favorably with the sterling quality de-
manded by England. Constant trade with the mother coun-
try brought about our adoption of the sterling quality about
1 865, thus avoiding difficulties involved with the exchange.
Rhode Island has produced much beautiful silverware
and is most fortunate in being able to claim among the
native craftsmen so many whose reputations rank among
the foremost of this country.
All of the cuts were lent to the Rhode Island Historical
Society by the Museum of Art, Rhode Island School of
Design.
MY VISIT TO THE EASTWARD 65
Journal of My Visit to the Eastward
Commencing in August, 1781
By W. Rogers
{Continued from Vol. XXXIII, p. 44)
N. B, Silas Winchester from PhiPa. being present was
much chagrin'd when his Brother's Apostacy was in ye
Course of our Proceedings descanted upon,
Thursday Sep: 13. Afr'n. Business being finished the
preceeding Day — Set out with Presid't. Manning early this
Morning on our Return to Providence. Halted a Short
Space at a Mr. Fisk's in Sturbridge. Dined at Mr. Coles,
Woodjnk. Proceeded as far as Pomfret & Lodged at Mr.
Benj : Thurber's — much fatigued,
Friday, Sept. 14. Dined at Seepatchet alias Gloucester.
Got back to Providence just in the Evening. Went to Post
Office & Reed, a Letter from Col. Miles of ye 28th Ult.:
Informing me that my Family was well. Put up at Johnny's.
Saturday Sept. 15. Answer'd Mr. Stillman's Letter &
wrote to Uncle Thurston & Brother Danl. Breakfasted at
Nicholas Brown's with Mr. Ustic — Dined at Johnny's.
Sunday Sep: 16, Robt, came up this Morning from
Coventry — Pursuant to Request preached Each part of
ye Day in the Presbyterian Church, they being Destitute
of a Minister, Put a Letter in Post Office for Col: Miles
— Towards Ev'g, set out for Coventry with Robt,, got to
his house just after 9 o'clock.
Monday Sep: 17. Spent the Day at Bobby's — with
whom Dined an agreeable Company.
Tuesday Sep: 18. Breakfasted at Mr. Jacob Green's —
Between 11 & 1 2 o'clock set out with Robt. &c. for Green-
wich. Went to ye Governor's & Dined, was to have preached
66 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
this Afternoon by Appointm't. but prevented by a furious
S E Storm which Commenc'd abt. 1 1 o'clock A.M. & lasted
'till near 5 P.M. Tarryed at the Governor's all Night.
Wednesday Sep: 19. The preceeding Night arrived on
Express from Gov: Bowen of Providence to Gov: Green
purporting that 40 Sail of ye Enemy's Vessels were in ye
sound Supposed to be on Some Distressing Plan — Abt.
Day Light ye Same Accounts arrived from Newp't. Break-
fasted at Gov: Green's & afterwards set out for Providence
thro Patuxett in Company with Mr. Bacon ye Express —
A very pleasant Day! Got to Providence at 10 o'clock —
Dined at Mr. Carter's. Being there in ye Evening Mr.
Manning & Mr. Backus came to me, went home with Mr.
Manning, and lodged at his house with Mr. Backus.
Thursday Sep: 20. Breakfasted at Mr. N. Brown's.
A.M. Rode to Judge Morey's in Smithfield 9 Miles from
Town, dined there with his Lady. P.M. Returned as far
as Mr. John Jenckes's & took Coffee — Visited Com: Hop-
kins's Family & got back to Bro: Johnny's just at Dusk.
A wet, disagreeable Day!
Friday Sep: 21. Rainy Cold Morning! Dined at Mr.
Bliven's. P.M. Attended a Funeral. Post got in but
brought no Letter for me, felt somewhat unwell in ye Ev'g,
Saturday Sep: 22. Breakfasted at Mr. Manning's &
Dined at Home — Sister Barker arrived from Coventry
with Sanf'd.
Sunday Sep: 23. Preached Both Parts of ye Day for the
Presbyterians. After Service waited on Mrs. Hitchcox &
took Tea.
Monday Sept. 24. Breakfasted at Mr. N. Brown's.
Wrote a Letter to Post to Mrs. Rogers. Dined at Mr.
Manning's. An Exceedingly pleasant Day, the Weather
having alter'd greatly for the Better.
Tuesday Sep: 25. At 11 o'clock A.M. Bid Adieu to
Providence Friends. — Crossed ye lower Ferry & got to Mr.
Thompson's in Swansey to Dine, preached at 2 o'clock &
MY VISIT TO THE EASTWARD 67
after Service was Introduc'd to Mr. Ingalls. In ye Evening
went down to my Cousin Comer's & tarryed the Night.
Wednesday Sep: 26. Having Breakfasted prepared for
going, Called in to See Sally Coggeshall, an Object of Real
Distress! Had an Excellent Time over Bristol Ferry, took
ye East Road & Stop'd at Mr. Lawton's to See Mrs. Han-
ners, Enjoyed a pleasing Interview, Dined there & then
went to Newport, Drank Coffee at Mr. Southwick's, Put
up at Uncle Thurston's who is Considerably better, met
with Josey & Robt. with their Wives.
Thursday Sep: 27. Dined at Uncle's. P.M. Walked
to Elder Bliss's & Continued all Night, was agreeably
Entertain'd.
Friday Sep: 28. A most beautifull Morning, Returned
after Breakfast to Town & had handed me a Letter from
Johnny of ye 26th Inst, wrote at the Desire of some of
the principal Episcopalians in Providence earnestly request-
ing my Becoming their Minister, much obliged to the
Gentlemen for their good Opinion of my poor Abilities
but many Circumstances prevent a Complyance. Visited
Col. Elliott who is gradually mortifying. Dined with Uncle
Thurston, Rob't. &c at Mr. John Bours's where we had
the Company of Mr. Parker an Episcopal Clergyman from
Boston. Drank Tea there also. Felt occasionally Chagrined
at many Torifyed Remarks made in ye Course of ye
Afternoon.
Saturday Sep: 29. P.M. Preached for Seventh Day
Church, a thin Congregation owing to the unsettled
Weather. Drank Tea at Abby & Becky Sanford's.
Sunday Sep: 30. Early this Morning Rec'd. a Letter
from Johnny in Providence Inclosing One of ye 10th Inst,
from Mr. Kelly in Phil'a. giving me the pleasing Intelli-
gence of the health of my Dear Mrs. Rogers & c. Billy,
may a kind Providence Return me to them in Safety! By
Mr. Kelly's Letter it appears that Mrs. Rogers wrote me
on 26th Ult: wch as I have not Rec'd. must have been
68 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
taken with ye Mail lately Carryed into York - - A.M.
Preached in Trinity Church. Ditto P.M. Felt much Free-
dom. The Church between Services was occupied by Mr.
Parker as also after Afternoon Service, heard him the last
Time, he appears to be a good Compomist & a middling
Speaker. Drank Tea at Mr, Hazard's. A most beautifull
Day which occasioned Newp't. Streets to appear consider-
ably Lively.
Monday Octob'r. 1. Wrote a Letter to Johnny in
Answer to his of ye 26th Ult: & forwarded it by Bobby.
Rode out with Uncle Thurston to Mrs, McQuarter's at
Whitehall, Returned & Dined at Mr. Fowler's, Drank
Tea at Mrs, Perkins's, Arrived a Vessel from Egg Har-
bor whose Captain Reports that on Tuesday last an
Express got to Phil'a. announcing the Surrender of Lord
Cornwallis, y't. it may be true is my Sincere Wish.
Tuesday Oct: 2. Rose very Early & Breakfasted at
Mr. Bours's, after wch set out with him for Westerly,
had an agreeable Time over Connanicut & Narragansett
Ferries. At 1/2 past 2 o'ck. Reached Lydia's distant from
Newp't. 30 Miles, found Sally with her, the Situation of
Col: Noyes's house Exceedingly pleasant! Mr. Bours
went on to Doct'r. Babcock's, Enjoyed on ye Road a
Variety of Agreeable Chat with him. Tarryed at Lydia's,
the whole Family with wch She has form'd a Connection
very kind to me. Tommy her husband appears to be of
a most amiable Disposition. Rainy Evening!
Wednesday Oct: 3. Beautifull Morning! A.M. Visited
Genl, Green's Lady, Dined at Tommy's with whom took
a Ride in ye afternoon over the Farm & along the Beach,
a most advantageous Place for Fishing & Fowling!
Towards Evening came Danl, & Nancy & staid the Night,
Thursday Oct: 4, Mrs, Brenton and myself walk'd over
to Mrs. Green's. Dined at Col: Noyes's, after Dinner
went home with Danl. & Nancy accompanyed wth Lyd'a
Sally &.C.
MY VISIT TO THE EASTWARD 69
Friday Oct: 5. Preceeding Night very Cold, Standing
Water froze quite hard. Dined & Spent the Day at Mr.
Brenton's.
Saturday Oct: 6 At 12 o'clock preached at Hopkinton
for Seventh Day Church. While at Dinner at Dan'ls. with
a Large Company Rob't. arrived from Providence but
brought no public News. Towards Evening Rode home
with Br. Noyes & Lodged.
Sunday Oct: 7. A.M. Preached in the Presbyterian
Meeting House at Westerley. Owing to the wretched
Condition of the Building & the Rawness of the Day
but Few Comparatively attended Service. Dined at Col:
Noyes's with a numerous Circle. Rob't, & myself went
home with Dan'l. & Lodged. Evening much pleasanter
than the Morning, tho' somewhat Cold.
Monday Oct: 8. Dined with many others at Dr. Bab-
cock's & Spent an agreeable Afternoon. Parted with Bobby
Lydia and Sally &c. In the Evening Mr. Manning pur-
suant to prior Determination arrived at Daniel's on his
Journey Westward, felt much Pleasure at Seeing hini!
Dr. Babcock & Lady, Mr. Brenton & Lady Sup'd with us,
with whom Enjoyed an agreeable Interview. May Indul-
gent Heaven Reward all my Eastern Friends & Relatives
for their kindness towards me.
Tuesday Oct: 9. After an Early Breakfast, President
Manning & myself sat out on our Journey towards Phil-
ada. Dan'l accompanyed us 6 Miles, An Exceeding fine
Day! Dined at Mr. Belton's in Groton. P.M. Took a
View of Fort Griswold, after which Crossed the Ferry &
Rode thro' ye Town of New London to observe the Ruins,
the Sight affected our Hearts! Destroyed Buildings,
Weeping Widows and Fatherless Children! Surely some
hidden Curse awaits the Villains who have thus Imbu'd
their Lands in Innocent Blood! Crossed Rope Ferry &
put up just at Dusk at Col: Parsons's in Lyme, 30 Miles
70 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
from Pocatucke Bridge. Doct: Flagg arrived Immedi-
ately after us on his Way from Philad'a. to Rhode Island.
Wednesday Oct: 10. Started about Day Light but
Detain'd sometime in Crossing Saybrook Ferry. Break-
fasted at Killingsworth, a very good Inn! Halted better
than an Hour at Fowler's Tavern in Guilford Parish, from
whence in ye Afternoon jogged Steadily on to New Haven
Ferry, had a bad Time over. Got to New Haven before
Sunset & put up at Mr. Helmer's, Journey 40 Miles.
Felt much fatigued & had considerable of an Head Ach.
Thursday Oct: 11. Partook of a very early Breakfast
& then proceeded on to Milford where we halted at Parson
Wales's. Crossed Stratford Ferry & Reached Poquonot
abt. 12 o'clock. Dined at Esqr. Hubbell's. P.M. Passed
thro' Greenfield & Spent a few Minutes with Parson Ten-
nent, from Greenfield went to Willton, Roads very Bad!
Put up for the Night at a Tavern kept by one Middle-
brook, distant from New Haven 39 Miles.
Friday Oct: 12. Rode 6 Miles before Sunrise & After-
wards passed thro' Ridgefield on to Upper Salem &
Breakfasted at Capt. Hunt's. Fell into Chat with Lt.
Col: Johnson of ye Connecticut Line whose Company we
Enjoyed thro' Crumpond near to Peekskill, Halted &
Refresh'd our Horses at a Mr. Carman's. Previous to our
reaching Peekskill it began to Rain, proceeded notwith-
standing on to King's Ferry & Crossed with some Difii-
culty. Just at Dusk got to a Parson Burns's who keeps an
house of Entertainment in Haverstran 3 1/2 Miles from
the Ferry, a Small Building but good Fare! The Presid't.
& myself were wet to the Skin, on wch Acct. we had but
an uncomfortable Even'g. However "What can't be Cur'd
must be Endur'd" And it is the Duty of All "To make
the Best of a bad Bargain" Journey to Day 42 Miles. It
was our Intention to have visited the Army under Genl.
Heath but as they Lay 3 or 4 Miles above Peekskill we
thought it considering our long Journey unadviseable.
MY VISIT TO THE EASTWARD 71
Saturday Oct: 13. Owing to my being wet had but a
poor Night's Rest. At Kakeat we were overtook by Col:
Skinner & another Gentleman, A Junction highly accept-
able as we were now in a very dangerous Road. Break-
fasted at Mr. Sovereign's Mouth of the Clove. Enquir'd
the Safest Way & being Directed proceeded on to Paramus,
Soon after we left Sovereign's perceived that I had lost
somewhere this Morning a Link & One Eye of a gold
Sleeve Button, found ye other Eye, a loss this tho' trifling
I reflected much on as the Pair were one of ye last Presents
from my ever hon'd. Mamma! Previous to our reaching
Hopper's Tavern at Paramus an amazingly heavy Gust
of Wind came on so that we were scarcely able to set on
Horseback, this being accompanyed with Rain compell'd
us to Stop short of our Intended Stage, we were cast under
the Roof of an hospitable, curious. Swearing old Man by
ye Name of to Restrain Laughter with such an
Oddity was morally Impossible, he kept us all upon the
high Key during our Detention with him wch was more
than an Hour! The Rain Subsiding decamp'd from this
Mansion and Reluctantly parted Company with Col:
Skinner near Hopper's, Our Course lay thro' Totowa
where upon our Arrival we .walked across the Bridge &
view'd the Man with ye Big Head, he appears very good
Natur'd but is a Shocking Object! Recrossing the Bridge
we Rode up the Passaick & took a View of the Great Falls!
Abt. 1 1/2 Miles above wch we forded the River & went
by a "Deaf" Road on to Post's Mills. In ye Woods lead-
ing thither we discover'd the Effects of ye Hurricane by
the Fall of many Trees! At Post's Mills, Obtain'd
Directions for Newark Mountain Meeting House where
we got just before Day Light in & then had 10 Miles to
Ride in Order to Reach Mr. Stiles's in Connecticut Farms
upon wch Mr. Manning was fully bent. It being Dark
we were Excessively puzzled to find the Way & ye More
we Enquir'd of ye Inhabitants the more they appear'd
to Darken Counsel with Words however after much turn-
72 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
ing to ye Right & to the Left we at Length arrived our
Horses & ourselves amazingly fatigued having Rode at
Least SS Miles. Just before we dismounted at Mr. Stiles's
Door my horse fell with me but thro' Mercy did me no
Injury. Li 5 Days we Rode more than 200 Miles. Sup'd
& soon went to Bed.
Sunday Oct: 14. This Morning felt much Refresh'd.
Mr. Manning went to Scot's Plains Meeting & preached.
Returned between 4 & 5 o'clock P.M. & heard me at Mr.
Stiles's, Notice being so Short but Few People attended.
Monday Oct: 15. Tarryed at Mr. Wites's 'till after
Dinner when we took our Leave & rode thro' Westheld
on to Piscatawa about 12 Miles & Lodged at one Mr.
Randal's own Uncle to Mr. Manning.
Tuesday Oct: 16. Went to Mrs. Welle's & Break-
fasted, found her & ye Family much dejected owing to
the Death of her Husband Rev: Mr. Welle who Departed
this Life on the 9th Inst. Proceeded by the Way of Bruns-
wick Landing & Rocky Hill on to Hopewell, put up at
Rev: Mr. Hart's who since my Absence has been made
happy in the Coming of Mrs. Hart to his Country Man-
sion, Mrs. Hart with ye Rest of ye Family very agreeable!
Evening & Night very Rainy & Raw.
Wednesday Oct: 17. Pleasant Morning! at a late hour
in ye forenoon left Mr. Hart's, Crossed Howell's Ferry
& upon our Reaching Newtown took some Refreshm't. at
Mr. John Hart's from whence we proceeded on to Mr.
Danhorn's in Southampton & Lodged where we met
Messrs. Joshuah Jones and Nicholas Cox.
Thursday Oct: 18. A.M. Rode to Rev. S. Jones's &
Billy well, for which & all other Favors may a kind God
Dined. P.M. Reached Philad'a. & found Mrs. Rogers &
make me truly thankfull.
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXXIll
OCTOBER, 1940
No. +
MAJOR WILLIAM AMES
1863
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Street, Proxidence, Rhode Island
CONTENTS
PAGE
Civil War Letters of William Ames
B)' William Greene Roelker ... 73
Additional Notes on the Origin of the Artistic
Motives of the Design of the pjisign
by Howard M. Chapin . . . . 92
The Officers of the
Rhode Island Historical Society
announce with deep regret
the death of the Librarian
Howard Millar Chapin
on September 18, 1940
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XXXIII
OCTOBER, 1940
No. 4
Charles F. Stearns, President Robert T. Downs, Treasurer
William Davis Miller, Secretary
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
Civil War Letters of William Ames
From Brown University to Bull Run
Edited by William Greene Roelker
William Ames^ was just nineteen and a sophomore at
Brown when he was mustered into the Union Army as
Second Lieutenant of Infantry, June 6, 1861. After fifty-
one months of service he was mustered out brevet Brig-
adier-General of Artillery. During this period he was a
conscientious correspondent and his hitherto unpublished
letters to his family are a continuous account of the oper-
ations of the Rhode Island troops with which he served.
Occasionally it needs to be supplemented by a brief account
of the general military situation.
^ Born in Providence, Mav 15, 1842, William Ames was the second
son of Samuel and Mary Throop (Dorr) xAmes. His father, a distin-
guished member of the Rhode Island Bar, was Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court, 1856-65. His mother was the daughter of Sullivan
Dorr and brother of Thomas Wilson Dorr, of the "Dorr War." His
older brother Sullivan Dorr Ames was a Lieutenant in the Navy.
74 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Two days after the attack on Fort Sumter President
Lincoln called for 75,000 militia for three-month service
to suppress the rebellion. Five days later, April 20, 1861,
the first detachment of the 1st Rhode Island Regiment,
under the command of Col. Ambrose E. Burnside," left
Providence for the defense of Washington.^
But it soon became evident that it would take longer
than ninety days to suppress the rebellion. On May 3
Lincoln issued a proclamation calling into service 42,034
three-year volunteers (unless sooner discharged), 22,714
enlisted men to add ten regiments to the regular army,
18,000 seamen for blockade service.
Entering Brown in the fall of 18 59, William Ames left to join the
army in June, 1861. In 1891, by special vote, he was awarded the
degree of Master of Arts.
For a brief account of his military career, see John R. Bartlett, Memoirs
of Rhode Island Officers (Providence, 1867), 241-42, hereinafter cited
as Bartlett.
After the war Ames became prominent in the management of the
Fletcher Mfg. Co. and the Providence Washington Insurance Co. For
thirty years he was President of the Blackstone Canal National Bank.
He was chairman of the commission which built the State House.
^Ambrose E. Burnside though born in Indiana was an adopted son of
Rhode Island. He graduated from West Point (1847) and served in the
Artillery in the Mexican War. He then came to Bristol and established
a factory for the manufacture of a breech-loading rifle of his invention.
This venture was unsuccessful and he removed to Chicago where he
became Treasurer of the Illinois Central R. R. Co. Gov. Sprague
appointed him Colonel 1st R. I. and he continued in command until
it was mustered out, its time having elapsed, August 2, 1861. At the
Battle of Bull Run, July 21, Col. Burnside was in command of the Second
Brigade, Second Division, under Col. David Hunter. On August 6, 1 861,
he was commissioned Brigadier-General of Volunteers. Bartlett, 9-93.
^ Augustus Woodbury, A 'Narrative of the Camfaign of the First Rhode
Island Regiment (Providence, 1862), 1-17, hereinafter cited as Wood-
bury, First R. I. Regt.
Augustus Woodbury, Harvard Divinity School, '49, was a Unitarian
minister, at the Westminster Society, Providence. He served as Chaplain
of the First R. I. Regiment from April to August, 1861. He was a well
known author and wrote the historv of the Second R. I. Regiment.
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES 75
Governor William Sprague^ had anticipated the call
for more men and in mid-April had directed Adjutant
General Edward C. Mauran'' to fill the ranks of the
militia companies. So when the call came the men were
already enlisted and Governor Sprague appointed Major
John S, Slocum" and Dr. Francis L. Wheaton,' both of the
1st Regiment, to organize the Second Rhode Island Regi-
ment. On May 3 1 the General Assembly passed the nec-
essary legislation and Adjt. Gen. Mauran ordered the
regiment organized "forthwith." Slocum was appointed
Colonel, Dr. Wheaton, Surgeon, and company officers
were named, including the three officers of Company D,
Capt. William H. P. Steere,"" First Lieutenant Edward H.
Sears' and Second Lieutenant William Ames.
* William Sprague, Governor of Rhode Island, 1 860-63, U. S. Senator,
1863-75. He was born in 1830, the son of Amasa and the nephew of
William (Governor of Rhode Island, 1838-39, U. S. Senator, 1842-44)
who formed the famous cotton manufacturing firm of A. & W. Sprague.
"War Governor" Sprague early took an interest in military life, enlisting
(1848) as a private in the Marine Artillery he rose to be Colonel. He
was appointed a Brigadier-General of Volunteers but was not mustered in
as he wished to retain his gubernatorial position. In the election of 1860
he was opposed to Lincoln but when the war began he bent every energy
to assisting the Union cause. The Biographical Cylclofedia of Representa-
tive Men of Rhode Island (Providence, 1881), 522, hereinafter cited as
Bio. Cyc; Bartlett, 105-114.
° Edward C. Mauran was Adjutant General for Rhode Island through-
out the war and was given the highest approbation of the Department of
War for his efficient administration of affairs. Proceedings, R. I. Hist.
Soc, 1886-87, 75-77.
John S. Slocum of Richmond volunteered for service in the Mexican
War and became a Captain. At the outbreak of the rebellion he was com-
missioned Major in the 1st R. I. and resigned to become Colonel of the
2d R. I. He was killed in action at Bull Run, Julv 21, 1861. Bartlett,
121-25.
^ Francis L. Wheaton of Providence: Surgeon 1st R. I., April 18, 1861;
Surgeon 2d R. I., June 6, 1861 ; resigned Sept. 12, 1862. Unless other-
wise noted all records are taken from Augustus Woodbury's The Second
Rhode Island Regiment (Providence, 1875), hereinafter cited as Wood-
bury.
^William H. P. Steere of Providence; Capt. Co. D, June 1, 1861;
Td RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The hurried departure of the 1st Rhode Island to the
defense of Washington deprived the people of an oppor-
tunity to demonstrate their pride and aifection for their
soldiers with the result that the 2d Regiment received a
double measure of attention. Governor Sprague led the
way. Under the title, "Aid and Comfort for the Second
Regiment" the Providence Daily Post editorially an-
nounced that "the collation usually given by the Chief
Magistrates of the State on their return from [the summer
session of the General Assembly at] Newport, will be
omitted by Governor Sprague today, and the amount which
would probably have been expended . . . , will be appro-
priated to the purchase of one thousand rubber blankets,
to be presented to the Second Regiment."'" Thorndike C.
Jameson," who had been appointed Chaplain, received
gifts of money for the benefit of the enlisted menj^" the
Rev. Mr. Carmody presented the Roman Catholic soldiers
with "handsomely clasped prayer books" on behalf of
Bishop McFarland.'" And on the day before the departure
from Camp Burnside, Mr. Sanford of Seekonk gave Co. D
eleven cans of milk, which the boys acknowledged with
"three times three and a tiger."^^
By the seventh of June the companies had all been
mustered into the army of the United States — "the second
three years regiment from New England,"^" and, "So care-
Lt.-Col., July 22, 1861 ; resigned to become Col. 4th R. I., June 12, 1862.
Bartlett, '199-206.
''Edward H. Sears of Providence: Student at Brown, 1858-61; 1st
Lt. Co. D, June 6, 1861; Capt., July 22, 1861; resigned to become
1st Lt. R. I. Light Artillery. Son of President Barnas Sears of Brown
University.
^" The Providence Daily Post, June 1, 1861, hereinafter cited as Post.
^^ Thorndike C. Jameson of Providence: Chaplain, June 11, 1861;
Major, Dec. 13, 1862; resigned, Jan. 8, 1863.
^" The Providence Daily Journal, fune 20, 1861, hereinafter cited as
Journal.
^'^ Journal, June 12, 1861.
^* Journal, ]unc 18, 1861.
^° Woodbury, 1 7. There is a controversy as to whether the First or
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES 77
ful had been the enlistments by the several commandants
and the inspection of the regimental officer, that none
were rejected."^'' The next day when they moved from
Exchange Place up Westminster and High Streets to
Camp Burnside on the Dexter Training Ground, the
Journal proudly declared that "they presented a very fine
appearance, and were much commended for their solid and
soldierly appearance."^'
Every detail of camp life had an absorbing interest for
the public. The newspapers were filled with items such as
the arrival from New York "by propeller" of 840 muskets
and "150 light artillery sabres j"" the furnishing of two
havelocks to each man, "one to protect the head and face
against the heat of the sun, the other to be worn in the
rain 5 "^'' the presentation of "Burnside breech-loading car-
bines, ... a very effective w^eapon, manufactured by the
Bristol Fire Arms Co., No. 116 Dorrance St." to the
officers of Co. Cj~" and the consumption of 250 gallons of
clam chowder on Friday, June 20."'
At evening dress-parade on June 12, Mayor Jabez C.
Knight"" on behalf of the ladies of Providence presented
"the colors — a national ensign, a regimental flag, and the
proper guidons — " to Capt. Nelson Viall's color Co. C
and "pleciged the members to see that no traitor's hand
ever profanely wrested them from their custody.""'
Second Massachusetts was the first three-year regiment from New England.
In either case the 2d R. 1. was the second. C/. Alonzo H. Quint, The
Record of the Second Massachusetts Injantry (Boston, 1867), 2 In.
^' Journal^ }une 6, 1 S6 1 .
^'' Journal,' ]\x\\<i 10, 1861.
^"^ Pot, June 3, 1861.
'^'^ Journal, June 14, 1861. A havelock is a light cloth cover for the
cap and is worn around the neck. It is named for Sir Henry Havelock, a
British General in the Indian mutinv.
''^Journal, June 19, 1861. This was the rifle invented bv Burnside.
^1 Po//, June 15, 1861.
~- Woodbury, 21-22. Jabez C. Knight was Mavor of Providence,
18 59-64. He was for 47 years a Trustee of Butler Hospital.
'''Journal, June 13, 1861. Nelson Viall of Providence served as a
78 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
These evening parades attracted thousands but the
papers noticed that "The object of the encampment, to
accustom the soldiers to the details of camp duty, is most
industriously pursued. Everything is conducted according
to the formal regulations of the army."'* Rhode Island's
pride rose when it appeared that the daily drills were
"perceptibly improving the troops.""^ But everything did
not go right. The night before departure a deserter had to
be drummed out of camp. "He was stripped of his uni-
form, then marched the length of the parade with two
soldiers in the rear with their bayonets pointed to his
person, and a file of soldiers besides.""''
Shortly after 3 P. M., on Wednesday, June 19, the 2d
Regiment struck its tents and "In a few minutes the canvas
cones, which had somewhat resembled a good sized village
laid out with more than usual regularity," all disappeared.
Each soldier in line carried a knapsack containing his
"kit," weighing 20-25 pounds, a musket weighing 13
pounds, a haversack for his provisions, a canteen and a
cup.^' The column paused in Exchange Place to hear a
brief address by Bishop Clark"*' and then embarked on
the steamer State of Maine. "The troops were in fine
spirits, and as they left rounds of cheers broke forth,
aroused by the vast throng on the wharf.""' Next day's
Post announced editorially that Rhode Island had sent
another regiment of 1000 "true-hearted men to battle
volunteer in the Mexican War. First Lt. 1st R. I., April 18, 1861 ; Capt.
Co. C, 2dR. I., June 1, 1861; Major, July 22, 1861; Lt.-Col, June 12,
1862; Col., Dec. 13, 1862; resigned, Jan. 2 5, 1863. Bartlett, 3 39-343.
^* Journal, June 14, 1861.
'^ Journal, June 15, 1 86 1 .
-^Journal, June 20, 1861.
-'Post, June 20, 1861.
^^ Thomas M. Clark, Yale '31, Protestant Episcopal Bishop of Rhode
Island, 1854-1903. Member of the Sanitary Commission. For many
appreciations of his distinguished career, see Journal, Sept. 8, 9, 1 0, 1903.
-^Journal, June 20, 1861.
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES 79
for the cause of the Union, and for the integrity of the
Constitution,"^"
Thursday the Regiment disembarked at Elizabethtown,
New Jersey, and transferred to 22 passenger and 5 1 freight
cars. Routed via Harrisburg, to avoid the change at Havre
de Grace, it was Friday, at 8 P. M. before the train
reached Baltimore. Trouble was anticipated because the
6th Massachusetts and other regiments had been attacked
while crossing the city. But the 2d Rhode Island led by
Governor Sprague and the band passed through the town,
the JournaPs correspondent reporting that "it was warmly
cheered at every step by the crowds in the streets and the
people from the houses,"'^
Ames took the first opportunity to write home.
Camp Clark June 25/61
Dear Mother
I received your very welcome letter this evening.
We had a very tedious ride for forty eight hours.
At last a'fter much fatigue we arrived in Baltimore.
I was very much surprised and at the same time very
much rejoiced to find father in the depot.'" We passed
through the city with little or no interruption with
the exception now and then a cheer for Jeff., and a few
'■"' Post, ]uwc 20, 1861.
^^ Jour/ial, June 28, 1 861. Under his pen name "Tockwotton," Chap-
lain Jameson wrote that the crowd in the streets had "much of a peculiar
freeness and impertinence of fnamier — but the only insulting demonstra-
tion that I heard was a shout for Jeff Davis bv a single person. But he was
instantly knocked down by a bystander and there the matter ended." Press,
June 27, 1861.
^^ The 2d R. I. was accompanied by Governor Sprague, Bishop Clark,
Judge Samuel Ames, John R. Bartlett (Secretarv of State), Mavor Knight
and Colonels William Goddard and John A. Gardner of the Governor's
staff.
William Goddard, Brown '46, was a member of the First Light
Infantry. On June 10, he was temporarily appointed Lt.-Col., 2d R. I.
and served until the Regiment left for Washington, When Gen. Burnside
80 RHoni': island historical society
bricks thrown at the baggage wagons. Our numbers
no doubt kept them from attacking us. We arrived in
Washington about three o'clock in the morning. . . .^'^
Father no doubt has given you an account of our
camp as he was present at the services on Sunday and
heard the bishop's sermon. ... At present we are
about all down with that disease which is so prevalent
here, brought on by drinking the water in these regions
which contains a great deal of lime. ... I am going
into town this morning to get a bath. . . .
Yesterday [June 24] all the R. I. troops marched
in review before Gen. Scott and the President, who
were standing upon the steps of the White House,
the old Gen. looks a little the worse for wear but is
a very fine looking man in his old age. The President
is very much changed since he was in Providence" as
he now has a very black beard and is very easy in his
manners such as they are. . . ."
This was written on a carpet bag. . . .
Your affec son
W'" Ames
"Galen" reported to the Press that the 2d Regiment,
"having had the experience of a camp in Providence, . . .
succeeded Gen. Pope in command of the Army of the Potomac (1862)
he called Goddard to be his aide-de-camp, as Colonel of Volunteers.
John A. Gardner of Pawtucket, Brown '52, was Clerk of the Superior
Court, 1855-65; legal advisor of A. & W. Sprague, 1860-64; U. S.
District Attorney, 1871-77. Bio. Cyr., 520.
^^ Henry A. DeWitt, Engineer, 1st R. I., who laid out Camp Sprague,
wrote the Journal: "Our unseasonable reveille of Saturdav morning
brought upon the parade ground a thousand unwashed, unkempt, sleepy,
growling men, trying to make believe glad to meet their comrades in arms
of the 2d regiment, but inwardly, if not outwardly, wishing that the train
had delayed its coming until after sunrise. Nevertheless we drew up in
line and cheered with tolerable vivacitv from right to left, as the dusty
wayfarers tiled by." Journal^ June 26, 1861.
^* Abraham Lincoln, a candidate for the Republican nomination, spoke
in Railroad Hall in the old depot to a large and enthusiastic audience on
February 28, 1860. Journal, Feb. 29, 1860.
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES 81
had less confusion and difficulty in settling down 'than
the 1st.'"''
Ames wrote his mother, June 26:
"I am at last settled down in my quarters, which are
situated in a beautiful grove [Gale's Woods] about one
mile and a quarter from Washington."^' The only fault
^^ Another account of this review by "DeWitt" was published in the
Journal, June 29, 1861.
"The 2nd regiment set forth ... at 5 P. M. on Monday followed
immediately by the 1st, each with its band, the two batteries of light
artillery closing the rear. An impressive sight it was, and a proud day for
little Rhody, for over two thousand of her sons, in broad platoons, with
steady step, thoroughly equipped, armed in great measure with weapons
invented by her own citizens, marched through Pennsylvania Avenue to
the White House. The column passed in at one gate, round the semicircle
passing the portico, where stood the President with a few friends, and
out the other gate. Thence the march was continued a few squares to the
west, to the residence of Gen. Scott. Standing at the curb-stone, with head
uncovered, surrounded by his staff, the veteran gazed with pride upon
our sturdy battalions as men to be trusted in a perilous hour. Nothing of
the prestige won by Rhode Island has been lost since this ampler display
of her resources."
The expression "armed in great measure with weapons invented by her
own citizens" refers to the Burnside breech-loading rifle, invented by
Ambrose E. Burnside (C/. notes 2 and 20) and the rifled cannon invented
by Gen. Charles T. James, U.'S. Senator, 1851-57, founder of the
Atlantic DeLaine mill at Olnevville, History of Washington and Kent
Counties (New York, 1 889), I'l 5 7.
"DcWitt" reported to the Journal, July 12, that Gen. James was at
Camp Sprague "to look after his noisy pets, the rifled cannon," of which
the 2d Battery had a full complement. A few days later Gen. James called
on Lincoln who told his "old law associate" Henry C. Whitney: " 'Well as
James makes canni?ig [cannon] , I reckon 1 must see him.' " But the after-
noon passed without James being mentioned and "Whitney held suspicions
that General James's having canning to sell was a botheration to the Presi-
dent." Carl Sandburg, Abraham Lincoln, The War Years (New York,
1939), I, 310, hereinafter cited as Sandburg. Gen. James was killed by an
explosion of one of his guns at Sag Harbor, Long Island, October 1 7, 1 862.
^•^ Pr^w, June 26, 1861.
^' "Many of the men go daily into the city and roam at large over the
public grounds and through the public buildings and all places of interest."
Press, ]vi\y 6, 1861.
82 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
we find ... is the entire absence of any stream of water
deep enough to bathe in. Our water works consist of a
miserable little brook just back of the camp which is kept
entirely clouded by the frequent washing of dirty shirts.
. . . You can judge what our means for bathing two
thousand men are. We have our cooking department nicely
arranged so that we are living like human beings."
"The weather still continues to be very hot indeed
[Ames wrote his father June 28]. But you should see us
after dinner lieying [sic] upon our camp beds beneath
the tall trees smoking our pipes and thinking of nothing.
It is truly the laziest life a man can lead. We are all
impatient to get into Virginia and have a brush with the
rebels. As you remarked when you were here it seems
more like a giant picnic than the encampment of a large
army."
In response to his mother's request for a sketch of camp
life he wrote:
"We rise at five o'clock at which time the 'Reveille' is
sounded, after performing our 'devotions' and other nec-
essary duties we prepare for breakfast or in other words,
'Peas upon a Trencher.' We were very lucky in finding
an excellent cook in our company and we are at present
living upon the fat of the land. We think it is a good plan
to make hay whilst the sun shines, as we expect to be
ordered off very soon when we shall have to feed on
'Army Rations.'
"The tent works like a charm being perfectly wacer
proof and what with our canvass [sic] flooring cloths, racks
and many other little conveniences, we have the credit of
having the best quarters in the field."
This was not idle boasting. On July 2 he wrote his
father :
"Last evening we had one of the most severe rain storms
that I have ever seen. The water rushed through the tents
of all those officers who did not have the forethought to
trench them, in a perfect torrent. We were more fortunate
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES 83
having dug a deep trench around our tent thus saving our
'bacon.' "^"^
On the day after the arrival of the 2d Regiment in
Camp Clark, "Tockwotton" had written: "Both the regi-
ments are now united, and so long as the first remains
will form a brigade. This is as we hoped it would be. . . .
Brothers as of one family and united in spirit and in object,
it is especially pleasant to us to be allowed to share together
the pleasures of the camp, the toils of the march and the
vicissitudes of battle.""^"
On July 8 it was announced that Col. Burnside's brigade
would also include the 2d New Hampshire and the 71st
New York. This was good news, for the latter had become
friends of the 1st Rhode Island on the march to Annapolis
Junction.
T he troofs of Rhode Ishud zvere posted along
On the road jroni Anrtafolis-statiotiy
As the Seventy-first Regiment, one thousand strong,
Went on in defense of the nation.
We^d been 77Mrching all day in the sun^s scorching ray,
With two biscuits each as a ration,
W Hen zve asked Gov. Sfrague to shozv us the way.
And ''''How many miles to the JunctionV
* * *
The Rhode Island boys cheered us on out of sight.
After giving the following injunction:
''''Just keef uf your courage— you'll get there tonight,
For V is only nine miles to the Junction."^'^
4f- * *
At nineteen, any Fourth of July is an occasion, but the
first one in camp was really notable:
"We commenced the day with a grand review of both
Regts. by the Gov. and a great concourse of people. . . .
After the review we marched back to our grove where
38 "Xockwotton" wrote the Press, [uly 3 : ''We have been taught a lesson
in respect to the circum-trenching of our tents." Press, Julv 6, 1861.
^^ Press, June 29, 1861.
-"• "Only Nine Miles to the Junction," H. Millard, Co. A, 71st N. Y.,
Songs for the Soldiers, arranged and edited by Frank Moore (New York,
1 864), 71 ; Woodbury, First R. I. Regt., 23.'
84 RHODli ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
upon a platform built upon barrels we heard Dr. Wood-
bury read the glorious Declaration of Independence. Then
we had speeches from Major Ballou^' and Father Quinn'*
Who by the way is a very nice man. . , .
"I wish you could have seen the dinner table of the
Officers of company D. It was conceded by all to be the
best ... I will give you the bill of fare. A beautiful little
Roast Pig nice mashed potatoes Onions Beets, Tomatoes
a little Claret and Champagne. Our dessert consisted of a
very nice plum pudding and custard pies. You can guess
that we are not starving.
"The amusements of the afternoon were completed by
the walking upon a tight rope by Prof. Sweet who gave
great pleasure to all the spectators and especially to a
large crowd of dirty little niggers who had never dreamed
of any such feats.*'
"The camp was unusually still all day no man being
allowed to go into the city for fear of getting drunk.""
But the boyishly enthusiastic letter closes on a serious
note :
"This morning Col. Slocum had all the commissioned
officers assembled in front of the Marquee for instructions
*^ Sullivan Ballou of Smithtield, a lawyer, Clerk of the House of Rep-
resentatives, 185+-56, Speaker, 1857. Major, June 11, 1861; mortally
wounded at Bull Run, July 21, 1861. Bartlett,' 249-5 1.
■*- Father Thomas Quinn, associate Chaplain, 1st R. 1., was highly
regarded by all denominations. Chaplain Woodbury said: "Our intercourse
was always of the most cordial and friendly nature. It was another evi-
dence of the obliteration of ecclesiastical lines by the influence of patri-
otism." Woodbury, /"//•.(/ R. I. Rcgt., 44.
Chaplain Jameson wrote the Press, "The Reverend gentleman was
frequently interrupted by well merited applause and gained for himself
from his large and delighted audience, great credit, both for the sentiments
and the eloquent delivery of his speech." Press, July 9, 1861.
*^ William E. Sweet of Coventry, a private, Co. A, June 5, 1861;
discharged on Surgeon's certificate, February 23, 1863. "Tockwotton"
wrote, "Sweet's performances were popular with the troops. The Professor
is an intelligent young man and makes a good soldier." Press, July 8, 1861.
■** Ames to Father and Mother, Camp Clark, July 6, 1 861 .
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES 85
in reference to our march. We are to start off Sunday
noon for Virginia probably Fairfax. We expect to have a
fight this time after which we w^ill return to our camp.
I do not know that I have any right to tell you this but
you can burn the letter after you read it.
ps) I will write when I return and give you an account
of the proceedings"
The order was countermanded and Ames wrote that all
was quiet in camp "except the continual tramp of armed
men and the sound of drums. It seems to me like a great
picnic as I lay on my camp bed under the shade of the
large trees in front of our tent. This luxury I enjoy every
day after dinner. . . . The Quarters of the Band is very
near to ours so that we have music from morn till night.
We drill when the heat is not too overpowering. . . .""
This naive attitude towards a soldier's life was not
peculiar to Lt. Ames 3 it was general among officers and
privates.
As is usual with armies, the mere suggestion of a move-
ment produced great activity among the letter writers.
"Tockwotton" wrote:
"Pens, ink and paper were every where in requisition
[on Sunday, July 7]. In the tents, in all the wagons, on
the boxes, under the trees, on the bare ground, some hold-
ing boards for others to write against, every where the
work of heads and hands went on. ... A most glorious
illustration of New England intelligence, and I never felt
prouder and happier at the thought of our common schools
and institutions of learning."^*'
The regulations of the army required commissioned
officers to pay for any extra food, uniforms and servants.
" Ames to Another, July 8, 1861.
*** Press^ July 11, 1 861 . Writing materials were always hard to obtain.
Postage stamps were very scarce. Ames was fortunate in having Congress-
man George H. Browne of Gloucester frank envelopes for him and also
give him "a dose of the medicine you advised him to put in his water."
Ames to Father and Mother, July 6, 1861.
86 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
But "pay day" was a variable date with the result that
officers were often very hard up. A week after his arrival
in camp, Ames had written that he "should like to have
half of my pay which is in your hand." And later asked,
"If convenient please send that money in small gold."
A "Mint of money" arrived promptly but the need passed
with the receipt of his pay, $89.53. "Do n't you think
that I can live a month longer on this pretty little sum,"
he asked his mother.*' Ames felt that his job in the army
was just the same as any other job and like any other self-
respecting young man, he expected to be self-supporting.
At this distance of eighty years camp life of this day
seems very luxurious. "Tockwotton" wrote:
"Thanks to the generous attention of the Governor,
the Rhode Island Regiments are well supplied, and are
quite the envy of the rest of the army. It is quite common
to hear the remark — 'Oh, yes, you Rhode Islanders have
every thing.' Commissary Cole devotes himself to the
duties of [the kitchen] most unremittingly. The immense
ovens for meats, bread &c, as well as spacious boilers for
vegetables, coffee, &c, would I imagine somewhat astonish
some of your housekeeping readers. . . ."""^
The First Rhode Island Detached Militia was called
to serve the United States for a three-month period.
There was some doubt about the exact date its service
began and as July 15 approached the question arose as to
when the time was up. "Canonicus" wrote the Press ,
July 15, of the discussion among the men and of their
openly avowed desire to go home.
Ames reflects the opinion of the 2d Regiment:
"We are all very desirous to have the 1st Regt go
home as the influence over our men is very bad. They are
''^ Ames to Mother, Jul}- 27, 1861. The paymaster was supposed to
"pay off" every two months, cj. Fred A. Shannon, The Organization and
Administration oj the Union Ar?n\ (Cleveland, 1928), I, 244-45.
•'Vr^i^, July 18, 1861.
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES 87
not bound down by the same strict laws that were [sic]
are made to observe. It is allowed by every person here
that we beat them in marching and are their equals in
everything else. I get along very nicely with my men, and
drilling."^"
* * 5^
Before proceeding further with the letters dealing with
the campaign of Bull Run, it is necessary briefly to review
the military situation. Barely thirty miles southwest from
Washington, Gen. Beauregard with about 24,000"" men
was centered on Manassas Junction at the intersection of
the Manassas Gap and the Orange & Alexandria railroads.
Gen. Robert E. Lee had decided that it was strategically
important to the Confederates to hold the Junction if they
could, because it controlled the two most likely lines of
advance from Washington — the one from Alexandria and
the other from Centreville — and because the line of the
Manassas Gap R. R. to the west could be used by the
Confederate forces under Gen. Johnston to reinforce
Gqu. Beauregard. While Manassas Junction is on an open
plateau and hard to defend, the winding stream of Bull
Run — though in places "nothing more than a glorified
ditch" — in the 14 miles from its confluence with the
Occ;^ou"n at Union Mills Ford on the east to Sudley
Springs on the west "more than covered any probable
crossing of an army advancing from Washington along
routes just indicated."'^
About 60 miles to the WTSt of Washington Gen. Robert
Patterson — a veteran of the War of 181 2 — with about
14,000 men occupied Harper's Ferry on the Potomac
''■'Ames to Father, July 14, 1861.
^'^ All estimates of the numbers of men engaged are taken from R. M.
Johnston's Bull Run, Its Strategy and Tactics (Boston, 1913), 90-1 13,
hereinafter cited as Johnston. This is an excellent stud\' and indispensable
to a non-military writer like }Our editor.
"Johnston, 31-38.
88
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Harper's Ferr
PATTERSON Cg^.^—sS^'/'^,
14,000 -^^^ ^ '
Situation ontheNightof
July 17,1861
CONFEDERATE ■
FEDERAL [ZD
^° Miles
K.D. Johnson
river from which Gen. Joseph E. Johnston — who had
succeeded Col. Thomas J. Jackson — had withdrawn on
June 15 to near Winchester in the Shenandoah Valley.
Patterson's timidity had prevented him from carrying out
the pursuit planned by the veteran commander-in-chief,
Gen. Winfield Scott," and the regiments near Washington
had made no moves. Most of the three-month regiments
were two months oldj something had to be done before
their time was up. The New York Tribune led the popular
clamor with the war-cry, "On to Richmond" and the battle
of Bull Run was the result. "The different regiments met
for the first time as a brigade, on the afternoon of Tuesday,
July 16th, when they formed on Pennsylvania Avenue,
and immediately marched down to and across Long
■"'"Scott was 7 5 years old. "What with age, dropsy, vertigo, and old
bullets to carry, he could no longer mount a horse." Sandburg, I, 29.
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES 89
Bridge into Virginia."" Also, the enemy was well in-
formed through the press and by many sympathizers of
all the Federal plans. "But the country, not appreciating
the difficulties . . . , demanded a forward movement . . . ,"
wrote Woodbury. "It was both too early and too latcj too
early for perfect discipline of the troops — too late for
surprise."''
Irving McDowell,"" but recently advanced from major
to brigadier-general, was in command of the department
of Northeastern Virginia. In collaboration with Gen.
Scott he worked out a plan to advance in three columns
via Vienna, Fairfax Court House and the Orange and
Alexandria R. R. to turn Beauregard's position "so as to
cut off communications by rail with the South, or threaten
to do so sufficiently to force the enemy to leave his
entrenchments to guard them."
In accordance with this plan McDowell moved on
Tuesday, July 16, and the Providence Evening Press of
the next day carried a telegraphic dispatch from Wash-
ington: "The Rhode Island Regiments, 71st New York,
2d New Hampshire and the Marines marched over Long
Bridge at 3 o'clock today, their several bands playing
'Dixie.' Col. Burnside rode by the side of his Rhode
Island regiments, literally loaded down with bouquets."
Led by the Second Rhode Island, by the express desire
of Col. Slocum, "" the column marched some twelve miles and
bivouacked on the ground that night at Annandale. The
next day the Second Division moved into Fairfax Court
House and on the 1 8th to Germantown. Ames' pencilled
letter addressed to both his father and mother reflects the
excitement of a youth seeing action for the first time.
''■'' Woodburv, 28. For a critique of "Staft" and Command'' sec jolm-
ston, 100-103.'
''* Woodbury, First R. I. Regf., 72.
''° For an opinion of McDowell's ability see Johnston, 19-21, and
James B. Fry, MrDrjzveU and Tyler (New York, 1 884) , hereinafter cited
as Fry.
^"Woodbury, 28; Press, July 18, 1861.
90 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Capt. Steere wishes Father if he happens to see
Old Enoch S to tell him he is well and ail right.
July 20/61
Between Germantown & Centreville
To my Dear Father & Mother
I have not been able to write for some time on
account of the hurry attendant upon our march into
Va. We had a long march of twenty-three miles over
very dusty roads. The heat was intense, and with forty
pounds to carry made it very wearisome. You have no
doubt heard of our capture of Fairfax. There was
about ten thousand rebels in possession of the town
when we came up. But with their usual courage they
fled like chaff before a whirlwind The 2d Reg led the
Brigade and was the first in. Co D were employed
as scouts all the way keeping about a mile to the right
of the Column in thick woods all the way." It was
one of the most ludicrous sights that I have ever seen
to see the confusion in which they left their equip-
ments and a great part of their property. The men in
our Co got a great deal of plunder. The houses and
shops of the Secessionists were broken open and given
up to be plundered by the soldiers. Which was done
to order. Most everyone has some relic of the sacking
of Fairfax^" What gave the men the most satisfac-
tion was that the camp property plundered by them
^^ "Tockwotton" wrote July 19: "The men must make their way over
fences, walls, ditches, &c also through entangled forest and soon become
very weary." Press, July 23, 1861.
^® "I am happy to be able to say," wrote "Tockwotton," "that I was
not able to trace anv excesses to the members of the 2d R. I." And a
private letter, dated Fairfax Court House July 17, from an unnamed
officer in Co. C which was printed in the Journal, July 20, read: "Some
of our troops [in other brigades] have helped themselves to everything
portable. There is an old law and order feeling among us, which respects
even the rights of an enemv. ... I am sorrv for any trespass, which
brings reproach to our arm\- without discrimination of parties." Journal,
July 20, 1861.
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES 91
belonged to the famous Palmetto and Brooks Guards
of Charleston, S. C/" who are considered the flower
of chivalry in the South. I have got a body belt
belonging to one of the Palmetto Guards with a large
Palmetto tree on the plate marked 1776, I also got
a powder flask lots of ammunition One of our men
got a nice watch in one of the knapsacks. It is very
funny to see the little niggers who followed our camp
from Washington each with a new suit of cloths [sic]
and a knapsack upon their back marked Palmetto
Guards. Such was their haste in flying that they threw
away their blankets that were upon their backs and
even the coats on their backs. We brought no tents
with us each man taking only what he could carry on
his back. Last night we slept in an open plain the
starry heavens for our roof About two in the morning
it commenced raining you can imagine the comfort in
such a situation of a soldiers life. After staying all
night in Fairfax we marched to Germantown famous
in the Revolution"" We expect soon to march upon
Manassas and give them a thrashing if we can find
them anywhere. Prisoners are being brought in every
day and the [sic] all have a very miserable appear-
ance This morning just below the camp of the New
York Reg three Secessionists who had been captured
and had taken the oath were recaptured and having
broken the oath were hung by the authoritys [sic]
■''" A telegraphic dispatch to the Press printed on the front page — the
first Rhode Island newspaper to put the war on page one — "Numerous
trophies were brought to Washington this afternoon including the Com-
missariat tent of the 3rd South Carolina regiment, guns, coats, hats, and
Palmetto buttons, the latter manufactured in New York." Press, Julv
19, 1861.
"To judge from the uniforms about the camp, we would seem to have
many of the Palmetto Guard and other crack secession regiments in our
midst," wrote "DeWitt." Journal, July 22, 1861.
Ames is mistaken. Germantown which was famous in the Revolution
is in Pennsylvania.
92 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
I had the opportunity of seeing the process for the
first time
Give my love to all
Your affec son
\Vm Ames
This was written upon a Va fence rail of the rough-
est sort
I will write as soon as I can
I am very well indeed
You will find an envelope enclosed it was taken
from the knapsack by your humble servant of one of
the Palmetto Guards at Fairfax
Please keep the envelope
At the time he was writing his parents Ames did not
know that Gen. McDowell had made up his mind to attack
and had issued orders to begin the advance at 2 A. M.,
Sunday July 21, 1861.
{To he continued)
Additional Notes on the Oris^in of
the Artistic Motives of the
Design of the Ensign
By Howard M. Chapin
The motive of the stripes in the United States flag (in
the stars and stripes of 1777) was derived* from the
stripes in the so-called Grand Union flag which was first
adopted as the Ensign of the United Continental Colonies
in America in December 1775.
The earlier English ensigns of the time of Elizabeth
were striped and the ensign with the plain red field did not
'^Providence Sunday Joiirnal, June 9, 1929, page entitled "Rhode
Island's Part in the U. S. Flag," subsequently reprinted as the origin of
"The Artistic Motives in the United States Flag."
DESIGN OF THE ENSIGN 93
come into use until later, probably the time^ of James I.
The East India Company flag and ensign' of 1701 had
thirteen red and white horizontal stripes/
During the reign of Elizabeth, the English ensigns
often had striped fields/ Perrin, plate ix, illustrates six
of these.
W. G. Perrin, the careful and scholarly student of flags,
states in his "British Flags" 1922 that the ensign came^
into use about 1574. He doubtless meant as one of the
suit of flags," usually flown by ships.
The reason for the adoption of stripes in the design of
the early English Ensigns of the time of Elizabeth is not
known. Owing to the meagerness of the records of that
period it may not be able to be determined with certainty
whether the adoption of the stripes was the accidental result
of some naval exigency or whether it harks back to the
livery colors of heraldry.'
At present, contemporary pictures give us our only clues.
In "Sequitur celebritas et pompa funeris" (of Sir Philip
Sidney) by Thomas Lant printed in London in 1587 "The
' W. G. Perrin's "British Flags," 115.
'Perrin, 130.
^ John Beaumont's "The Present State of the Universe," edition of
1701 shows thirteen stripes. Cf. Perrin, 130.
* Perrin, 1 1 5 and notes. An Ensign supplied by James Wharton of
Philadelphia Dec. 22, 1775 to the Committee of Congress (which was
fitting out the Continental Navy) was a Union flag with 1 3 green and
red stripes. P//Z'. of Col. Soc. of Mass., 32, p. 523. At that period Union
flag meant with a union of the crosses in the canton, not what Union
flag means now.
'Perrin, p. 115.
^ However in his frontispiece he shows an English ship of about 1 545
flying an Ensign — which is an heraldic banner. This may be considered
properly mereh' a decoration for a special occasion. This ship has three
other similar staffs erected at random amidship and a jack staff, years
before the jack as such came into use as one the usual "suit of colors" of
a ship. These flags are all heraldic in character and origin. The flag at
the foretopmast head is similar in design to the one on the ensign staff.
^ "The Artistic Motives in the United States Flag" bv H. M. Chapin,
1930.
94 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Black Pynnes" which brought home Sidney's body from the
Low Countries is shown flying a striped ensign** on the
ensign staff and a similar striped flag at the mizzen top
mast head. These flags do not contain the canton with the
cross.^
The fact that the Black Pynnes which was in fact a
maritime catafalque, is decorated with the arms of Sir
Philip Sydney and those of his ancestors indicate that the
person who had charge of its decoration was acquainted
with heraldry. In this case the striped flag would doubtless
be of the livery colors of Sir Philip Sidney. The livery
colors would of course be "insignia" of Sir Philip and the
word ensign is clearly derived from the word insignia.
The word "colours" was only applied specifically to
the ensign in the Eighteenth, Seventeenth and Sixteenth
centuries.
Barrett^" in the theory and Practike of Modern Warres,
1698 says "We Englishmen do call (Ensigns) of late
colours by reason of the variety of colours they be made
of, whereby they may be the better noted and known to
the company." Barrett is speaking of military ensigns
rather than maritime ensigns, but it seems probable that
the reason he gives for ensigns being called colours is merely
his own guess or opinion and not the result of historical
or antiquarian research. It seems extremely probable from
the decoration of the Black Pynnes that the reason that the
Ensigns ( insignia ) were called colours was because they
were the "livery colours" ( i. e. insignia) of the owner of
the ship, or in the case of Sir Philip, with the livery colors
of the decedent.
Thus the origin of the design of the stripes would seem
to hark back very definitely to heraldry.
There is another sixteenth century picture of great
* Illustrated in Chatterton's Sailing Ships, fig. 54.
^ Hence similar to the ensigns presumably used by the American
Colonies between July 4, 1776 and June 14, 1777. See Nat. Geo. Mag.,
Oct. 1917, flag 404.'
'° Perrin, 6.
DESIGN OF THE ENSIGN 95
importance to this study. It is the illustration of Sir
Francis Drake's ship in Thomas Greepes biography of Sir
Francis Drake, printed in 1587. On the ensign staff is the
ensign which is an heraldic banner, thus tying the maritime
ensign still closer to heraldry. It is the quartered coat of
Howand, Brotherton, Warren and Mawbray, with over
all a mullet for difference. These were the arms of Charles,
Lord Howard, Baron Howard of Effingham, Lord High
Admiral of England and later Earl of Nottingham. This
boat was doubtless the galleon^"" "White Lion" (named
from the supporters in Lord Howard's arms). Lord
Howard contributed this vessel to the expedition, which
carried the armorial banner of its owner on its ensign staff.
While we have not as yet enough data to establish con-
clusively the development of- the ensign in the time of
Elizabeth, we do now know enough to have a general idea
of what must have taken place.
Perrin" tells us that the ensign came into use about
1 574. He adds in a footnote "In the earlier ensigns toward
the end of Elizabeth's reign^" the stripes were sometimes
diagonal and different designs appear to have been used
to distinguish individual ships much as ensigns were used
to distinguish regiments on shore.
It seems probable that the hrst stage in the development
of the ensign was when the armorial insignia of the owner
was used as in the case of Lord Howard's galleon.
The second stage would seem to be the ensign striped
with the livery colors as the insignia instead being the
heraldic banner. This we see in the case of Sidney's Black
Pinnace.
The fact that these two stages are illustrated in books
printed in 1587 does not militate against this theory because
in the first place the two different fundamental forms
doubtless existed in use contemporaneously for some time,
for such changes develop slowly and in the second place
'"^ Benson, E. F. "Sir Francis Drake," pp. 208-209.
''P. 115.
'^She died in 1603.
96 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
the book relating to Sidney was dealing with the preceding
year and the book dealing with Drake was dealing with
several years earlier for the most part. Taking into account
human inaccuracies, this of course would not prove the
sequence but as certainly it would not disprove it.
The reason for the change from the heraldic banner to
the ensign with stripes (presumably the livery colours)
was probably due primarily to the question of visibility.
Flying in a light breeze, or hanging limp in a calm the
design of an armorial banner used as an ensign becomes
practically indistinguishable. A series of stripes can be
identified.
On shore for reasons of visibility or distinguishability
a colonel usually placed a motive from his arms on the
regimental ensign instead of his arms or instead of using
his armorial banner (such as those hung in St. George's
Chapel, Windsor castle).
The striped Ensign did not give a clue to the nationality
of the boat. Sometimes the red cross of St. George (the
recognized emblem of England ) was surcharged over the
whole flag. Such a flag or ensign is shown by Perrin,
Plate ix. No. 5.'''
It was probably tried at this period to place the red
cross in the head of the ensign as it was carried in the
pendants, but the difference in shapes would make the
cross too elongated and doubtless also too hard to see. A
flag of this type^'' was drawn for the King of France and
called the flag of the English people. Yet as it appears in
no contemporary English book, it was probably merely the
result of the imagination of some French herald.
By using only the upper part of the head of the Ensign,
the canton was obtained and was very satisfactory as over
300 years of use prove.
The Ensign with the canton (the head charged with the
cross) would seem to be the third stage in its development.
Perrin plate ix shows several of these of the time of
Elizabeth and of James I. Five with striped field and
three with single color fields, the latter of the time of
James I.
^"^ Plate ix, No. 5.
" Desjardins, p. 34.
- '»^r.:.mg%:'''^'~i&Jiiif:
30430 3043;'
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXXIV
JANUARY, 1941
No. 1
FL.AGON MADE FOR TRINITY CHURCH, NEWPORT,
BY BENJAMIN BRENTON (173.^)
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Iseand
CONTENTS
PAGE
The Kay Bequest
by William Davis Miller
Cover & 1
Civil War Letters of William Ames
by William Greene Roelker
List of Members
25
Partial List of Accessions to the Library
31
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XXXIV
JANUARY, 1941
No. 1
Charles F. Stearns, President Robert T. Downs, Treasurer
William Davis Miller, Secretary William G. Roelker, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
The Kay Bequest
William Davis Miller
One of the outstanding displays of the recent exhibition
held at the Rhode Island School of Design in celebration
of the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Episcopal
Church in the State of Rhode Island^ November 1 8, 1940,
was the silver of the "Kay Bequest," and it was of further
interest in view of the fact that it is the only recorded time
that these fine pieces have been shown together.
In the year 1702 Nathaniel Kay was sent to the Colony
of Rhode Island by Queen Anne to hold the office of Col-
lector of Customs. He was a man of considerable wealth
and his house at the head of Touro Street in Newport was
reputed to have been "one of the most spacious and elegent
private dwellings in the town." During his life time he was
ever a generous supporter of the Church of England and
its missionaries sent out by the Society of the Propagation of
the Gospel in Foreign Parts. As early as 1713 he was a
member of the vestry of Trinity Church, to which he not
only gave of his time and interest but also of his wealth.
However, it was not only to Trinity Church that he ex-
pressed his generosity. He was deeply interested in the
J
a
si
<
THE KAY BEQUEST 3
advancement of the Anglican Church in the Colony and its
three other churches, St. Paul's in Narragansett, St.
Michael's in Bristol, and King's — now St. John's — in Prov-
idence. To St. Michael's, for instance, he gave a bell which,
it is said, could be heard in Pawtuxet across the Bay.
The hrst mention of a gift of silver is found in the records
of Trinity Church under the date of May 14, 1733, "Voted:
that Captain Richard Perkin's legacy to the Church be ap-
propriated for the purchase of a flagon for the communion
table. Nathaniel Kay, Esq. agreed to purchase another of
the same value." This flagon made by the Newport silver-
smith, Benjamin Brenton (1695-1749) bears the follow-
ing inscription:
An Oblation from Nathaniel Kay a Pub-
lican FOR THE USE OF THE BlESSED SaCRAMENT
in the Church of England in Rhode Island
1733 Lux perpetua Credentibus Sola.
The following year Nathaniel Kay died and by his will
left provisions for silver not only for Trinity Church but
also for the three other Anglican Churches in the Colony.
From the avails of this bequest there was made for Trin-
ity a magnificent baptismal basin by Daniel Russell (worked
from 1734-50) of Newport which bore the inscription:
Legatum Nathanaelis Kay Armigeri, in
USUM ECCLESIAE AnGLICANAE, IN NOVO PORTU,
IN Insula De Rhode Island Anno Salutis
1734.
Trinitv Church also received a chalice made by Joseph
Russell (1702-80) of Bristol.
To St. Michael's in Bristol came two flagons, one by
Benjamin Brenton and the other by Joseph Russell and a
paten by Edward Winslow of Boston (1669-1753). In
this connection it may seem remarkable that a Boston silver-
smith was employed under the Kay bequest, especially when
there were such excellent craftsmen in Newport. However,
it must be born in mind that until 1746 Bristol lay within
the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. Joseph Russell may also
be claimed by that colony since he made the first seal for
4 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Bristol County for which he received four pounds, ten
shillings in 1747. The design for all these flagons was
apparently established by the one made for Trinity Church
from the bequest of Richard Perkin — which, by the way,
bears no maker's mark — and from its companion given by
Kay in 1733. Each flagon bears an engraved inscription
surrounded by a decorative cartouche and the other pieces
are engraved in a similar manner.
Of this fine silver unquestionably the finest is the mag-
nificent baptismal basin made by Daniel Russell for Trinity
Church and which is illustrated on page 2. It appears to
be unique in the records of examples of colonial silver.
It is therefore not to be wondered at that the bringing
together of these remarkable pieces of silver was not only
an outstanding event to the students of the craft of the
colonial silversmiths but was also an evidence of the superior
skill achieved by those who worked in the Colony of Rhode
Island.
-^ The first General Convention of the Episcopal Church of Rhode
Island met at Newport, November 18, 1790. Following a sermon by
Rev. William Smith (1753-1821), M. A. Aberdeen, rector of Trinity
Church, the Convention approved the revised Book of Common Prayer
and declared Samuel Seabury Bishop of the Church in Rhode Island.
Bishop Seabury (1729-1796), who had been chosen Episcopal Bishop
of Connecticut (1789) presided over both dioceses until his death. A
graduate of Yale (1748), he was ordained deacon and priest in London
(175 3) and sent to New Brunswick, N. J., by the Society for the Propa-
gation of the Gospel.
Chosen by the clergy of Connecticut as a suitable candidate for Epis-
copal consecration, Seabury sailed for London (1783). The authorities
of the Church of England believed themselves debarred on legal ground
from performing the rite and Seabury proceeded to Aberdeen where he
was consecrated by the non-juring Scottish prelates. Returning to this
country he landed at Newport (1785) and shortly afterwards he became
rector of St. James' Church, New London.
For an Interesting article on the Episcopal Diocese of Providence see
"The Episcopal Diocese. — 150 Years," Providence Sunday Journal,
November 10, 1940.
A scrap book illustration of the exhibit of church treasures has been
donated to this societv.
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES 3
Civil War Letters of William Ames
From Brown University to Bull Run
Edited by William Greene Roelker
{Continued from Vol. XXXIII, fage 96)
In the opinion of R. M. Johnston, Gen. McDowell left
Washington "with a fixed plan. He intended no frontal
attack, but to outflank the enemy j and that the flanking
movement w^as to be towards the south, his left."*'^
But handicapped by the lack of maps and experienced
officers McDowell was uncertain, and before advancing
from Centreville he decided to explore the country for
himself. By the afternoon of July 1 8 he had made up his
mind that an advance on the left was impracticable.*'^
Almost at the same time he learned that Gen. Tyler had
been engaged along Bull Run.
This badly managed affair, known as "the skirmish at
Blackburn's Ford," was reported by "DeWitt" to the
Journal: "Gen. Tyler's division had suddenly come upon
a masked battery'"' which poured in a destructive fire of
shot and shell, causing our men to retire.""^
''^ Bull Run, Its Strategy and Tactics, 123; Robert M. Johnston ( 1 867-
1920), M.A., Pembroke College, Cambridge; Assistant Professor of His-
tory, Harvard University 1908-1919; Major, U. S. Army attached to the
General Staff, A. E. F.,'l9I9-20 ; Professor of Modern History, Harvard
University, 1920.
*'" Johnston, 126, 137; Frv, 39. William H. Russell, correspondent of
the London Times wrote: "It would scarcely be credited, were I not told
it by General McDowell, that there is no such thing procurable as a decent
map of Virginia. He knows little or nothing of the country before him,
more than the general direction of the main roads, . . . and he can obtain
no information, inasmuch as the enemv are in full force and he has not
a cavalry officer capable of conducting a reconnaisance." My Diary, "North
and South (London, 1863), H, 147.
"■' Fry wrote: "The troops began to advance from the Potomac with a
dread of being sent against 'masked batteries.' They felt that their fears
6 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
"The consequences of that defeat were serious," wrote
Capt. James B. Fry, McDowell's Adjutant General. The
depressing effect of the shock was not confined to the troops
engaged j "the whole army felt it." But Lt. Ames does not
mention it, though the demoralization was so widespread
that the 4th Pennsylvania Infantry and the 8th New York
Militia Battery, their terms having expired, "moved to
the rear to the sound of the enemy's cannon,"'"' as the
battle of Sunday was about to begin.
At the very moment when Tyler's guns were "already
booming along the banks of Bull Run,"'* Gen. Johnston
was marching out of Winchester, hfty-seven miles away,
to reinforce Beauregard who, he had been informed, was
being attacked by McDowell. Led by Jackson's brigade,
the column marched through Ashby's Gap to Piedmont.
Hurrying forward the artillery and Col. J. E. B. Stuart's
cavalry by forced marches and moving the infantry by
the Manassas Gap Railroad, Gen. Johnston arrived in time
to be able to exert the full strength of his force at the
crucial moment of the battle on Sunday, July 2 1 ."'
Yet in making his plans McDowell had persistently
left out of account the possibility of Gen. Johnston's re-
inforcing Beauregard. He even ignored the information
sent him by Gen. Tyler, an experienced railroad man,
that the sound of locomotives on the night of Jul)' 19
indicated that troops were arriving at Manassas Junction.
were now realized; and they were so in fact, for thev had been sent
against 'masked batteries.' " Frv, 3 5.
^"^ Jourfial, July 22, 1861; Johnston, 130-35; Fry, 21-36; G. F. R.
Henderson, Stonewall Jackson (London, 1900), I, 139, hereinafter cited
as Henderson.
"" Official Records, II, 324, McDowell's Report. See also, Woodburv,
First R. I. Regt., 85-87; Russell, II, 197-99, 217-18.
"''Johnston, 79-80, 151.
^'Johnston, 150-63; Henderson, 132-34; John G. Barnard, The
C.S. A. and the Battle of Bull Run (New York,'l 862), 105, hereinafter
cited as Barnard, contains several maps, the best of which appears to be
the one by Lt. Henry L. Abbot, March 14, 1 862, from Official Records,
Atlas, I, plate V, 7.
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES /
Also, he clung closely to the idea that a frontal attack
was hopeless and that, if a flank attack to the left was
impossible, he must make one to the right, no matter w^hat
the risk. Therefore, on the morning of July 19, Major
John G. Barnard and Capt. Woodbury of the Engineers,
accompanied by "the ubiquitous Governor Sprague," made
a reconnaissance to find a road connecting the Warrenton
turnpike with the ford at Sudley Springs in order to make
it possible to turn the Confederates' key position at Stone
Bridge. As McDowell could not make a reconnaissance
in force without giving away his plans the information
obtained was slight, and tw^o days were wasted. But hear-
ing a rumor that G&n. Johnston had reached Manassas,
he decided to delay no longer and called the commanders
together to explain his plans for an advance on Sunday,
July 21, 1861.'"^
Execution of the flanking movement called for a threat
to the Confederate position at Stone Bridge. Therefore
McDowell ordered Tyler to move "at 2.30 A. M. pre-
cisely" on the Warrenton turnpike but not to open fire
"until full daybreak." Hunter's Second Division — includ-
ing Burnside's Brigade — was ordered to turn right on the
wood road from the turnpike and pass Bull Run "above
the lower ford at Sudley Springs, and then, turning down
to the left descend the stream and clear away the enemy
who may be guarding the lower ford and bridge." Heintz-
elman's Thii'd Division was ordered to follow Hunter and
to "cross at the lower ford, after it has been turned. . . ."''^
But Tyler was very slow in getting underway and it was
not until 6 A. M. that Hunter turned off the turnpike;
"and that was the hour at which the commander-in-chief
hoped to have his whole force at Sudley Springs."'" "Two
hours or more were then lost," complained Woodbury,
"enough to decide the fate of the day."
r,8
Johnston, 139-48; Fry, 39-41 ; Henderson, 1, 140.
""McDowell's General'Orders No. 22, July 20, 1861, quoted by
Johnston, 144-45; Fry, 44-45.
'" Johnston, 165.
8 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Hunter's column was led by twenty-five axemen of the
2d New Hampshire, followed by the 2d Rhode Island
and its Battery, the 2d New Hampshire and the 71st New
York. "What wearisome work in clearing away the fallen
trees, which . . . obstructed the path! . . . The artillery
could be moved but with difficulty. Col. Hunter, who was
lame, proceeded in a carriage. Other vehicles were along,
with civilians, who wished to see the battle."
About 9 A. M. the column emerged into the open near
the Sudley Church. A mile further on it crossed the
ford where horses and men paused to drink. Just then
McDowell and staff rode up in haste saying to Burnside:
"The enemy is moving heavy columns from Manassas."
Col. Hunter, with Col. Slocum and the 2d Rhode Island
hurried forward around a wooded bluff and came out
upon an open plateau "near an old railroad embankment,
one half mile west of Bull Run"'^ where they were met
by a heavy volley.
Hunter pushed the 2d Rhode Island up to a position
diagonally across the road, with the 2d Battery in front
of it.^^ For about half an hour they bore the brunt of the
fire from the Matthews Hill without any support. When
Hunter was wounded, Burnside took command and con-
tinued the work of getting his brigade engaged."^
'^ Interesting contemporary accounts by Henry A. DeWitt, Engineer,
1st R. I., signing himself "DeWitt," in Journal, July 25, 1861, and by
an anonymous writer from the 2d Battery, Journal, July 31, 1861. Other
quotations are from Woodbury, 31-35; First R. I. Regt., 87-93.
72 "'p}^e battery was now considerably in advance of the infantry and
could easily have been captured and taken from the field by the enemy,
before the supporting infantry were formed in line of battle; and two
years later under the same circumstances would have been lost." J. Albert
Monroe, "The Rhode Island Artillery at the First Battle of Bull Run,"
Person-al Narratives of the Rebellion, No. 2 (Providence, 1878), 14,
hereinafter cited as Monroe. Although Johnston refers to Monroe (p.
187) he ignores the above statement when he places the battery in the
rear of the Second Rhode Island in his diagram on page 1 88.
"^ For contemporary accounts see "Tockwotton" in the Press, July 25,
1861 ; Lt. John P. Shaw, Co. F, 2d R. I., in the Journal, July 27, 1861 ;
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES
K.D.Johnson
Scene of Operations of
2 OS Rhode Island Regiment
July 21.1861
>caie
The "difficult wood road" to Sudley Springs turns to the right
off the Warrenton turnpike about half a mile beyond the bridge
over Cub Run, runs about four miles northwards and then turns
southwest for about two miles to Sudlev Ford. Beyond Bull Run,
on the right of the road there is open farm land; on the left, the
country is thickly wooded for a short distance and then opens out
into fenced fields sloping gradually up to the Matthews Hill which
is separated from the Henry House Hill by the wide depression
through which flows Young's Branch. An "Unfinished" or "Aban-
doned" Railroad Embankment""' crosses the Sudley-New Market
road about three-quarters of a mile northwest of the Matthews Hill.
H. J. Raymond's dispatch to the Nezv Yof'k Times reprinted, Journal,
July 24, 1861. Johnston covers the Federal side, 187-92, and the Con-
federate, 195-97. For an interesting account written many years later by
a corporal in Ames' Co. D, see Elisha H. Rhodes, "The First Campaign
of the Second Rhode Island Infantry," Personal Narratives of the Rebel-
lion (Providence, 1878), 17-21, hereinafter cited as Rhodes. He rose
to be Capt. Co. D, Mav 5, 1864. Bartlett, 333-38. See also, Woodbury,
First R. I. Regt., 93-101.
'* It is variously described bv contemporaries. "An abandoned railroad
track, passing through this held, made a respectable entrenchment."
Woodbury, First R. I. Regt., 95.
10 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The Confederate forces on the Matthews Hill were the
Second Brigade, under the command of Gen. Nathan G.
Evans. When Gen. Tyler attacked at daybreak Evans
was near Stone Bridge. But quickly finding that the
attack was being "feebly pressed" and shortly afterwards
seeing a cloud of heavy dust rising above the woods to
the north of the Warrenton turnpike his soldierly instinct
told him that the movement on his front was only a feint
and that McDowell's real attack would be on the flank.
He therefore rapidly moved his force to the left across
the path of the turning column and occupied the Matthews
Hill from which he poured a heavy hre into Burnside's
brigade. But soon Porter's and Franklin's divisions came
into action on Burnside's right, near the Dogan House,
Griffin's and Ricketts' batteries delivered a very effective
fire and the Confederates began to withdraw from the
Matthews Hill across Young's Branch to the Henry House
Hill.
It was between 1 1 :30 and 12 noon when Major Sykes,
with two battalions of regulars and a battalion of Marines,
and Col. William Tecumseh Sherman's brigade relieved
Burnside, all of whose regiments — except the 2d New
Hampshire — were then "drawn off into the field in the
rear. . . ." "Our own brigade," wrote Woodbury, "retired
in complete order and stacked arms, to receive its ammu-
nition and rest awhile, expecting to resume the battle at
a later period."'"
Lt. Ames wrote home twice after Bull Run: a hasty
scrawl on his arrival back at Camp Clark j and a more
detailed account after he had discussed the eventful day
with his comrades.
Camp Clark July 22/61
To my Dear Father & Mother
Through Gods mercy and His protection I have
been permitted to return from perhaps one of the
'^Woodbury, First R. I. Regt., 101 ; William T. Sherman, Memoirs
(New York, 1875), I, 183, hereinafter cited as Sherman.
CIVIL WAR LKTTKKS OF WILLIAM AMLS 11
most savage cruel and bloody battles ever fought in
this our nationland. You would no doubt like to hear
an account of the battle from an eye witness.
We left our camp ground five miles from Fairfax
at about two Oclock Sunday morning. After march-
ing about fifteen miles through thick woods we arrived
at Bull's Run. Co D at the time was leading off the
Brigade."'
As we passed up a slight elevation in the ground
bordered on one hand by thick woods, and on the
other by an open plain & just as we had passed the
top of the hill, a perfect shower of bullets rattled
around our heads.
The order was given to fall upon the enemy by
our gallant Jittle Col. — now no more. Our men gave
a fierce, loud, shout and sprang up the hill to close in
the deadly encounter. The rebels fell back and poured
a very severe volley into our ranks. The 2d Reg
received the chief part of the attack for over twenty
minutes. Then we were supported by the other Regts
in our rear.
When our battery commenced playing upon them
it cut through their ranks like a scythe through grass.
The U S Marines made a gallant charge upon the
rebels doing great mischief to their ranks" The air
seemed full of bullets shot and shell. I shall never
so long as I live be able to forget that bloody day. . . ,
I tried to do my duty to the best of my ability and
I think others will say the same of me. Our Co is
pretty well cut up having lost quite a number,'^ The
'** Co. D was his own Compan\ ; Capt. W. H. P. Stccrc, 1st Lt. Edward
H. Sears, 2d Lt. William Ames.
" A battalion of Marines was with the United States Infantry under
Major Sykes who came "upon the field at a double-quick, and with a
ringing cheer, charged down to the left and relieved the Second Regi-
ment." Woodbury, 3 5.
''^ "The Regiment — both infantry and artillerv — lost in this battle and
on the retreat, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, 104 officers and men."
Woodbury, 38.
12 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Rebels loss was severe also The battle lasted about
three hours when getting out of ammunition we were
obliged to retreat, I will write again soon. Just at
present I am prostrated by the great excitement of
the battle and the fatigue caused by a march of sixty
miles within thirty hours.'''
Your affec son
W'" Ames
The second letter, written four days later:
Camp Clark July 27/61
To My Dear Father
I received your letter last evening. I had intended
to have given you a full account of our battle and
retreat. But time flies. We left our camp four miles
from Centreville at about two Oclock Sunday morn-
ing the 21st July 1861. We led the Brigade. That is
our Regt did. We marched for about six miles on the
road*" and then struck into the woods and marched by
a very roundabout way for six or seven miles more,
when we came out into more open land. After leav-
ing the woods we marched three miles farther, and
stopped at a brook to fill our canteens.*^ After resting
a quarter of an hour we proceeded on our way round
a corner as it were, or wooded bluff. Just as the head
of the column had turned this corner we heard the
report of a heavy gun.^' Which no doubt was a signal
for them to open upon us, for we had not gone over
fifteen hundred yards when we were fired into by a
'^^ Special dispatch to the Journal, Washington, July 22: "The Rhode
Island troops have just arrived after a march of fifty miles. Col. Burnside
complimented the boys on their bravery. The guide is supposed to be
treacherous." Journal, July 23, 1861.
®° From the 2d's camp beyond Centreville it is about six miles to the
wood road.
^^ Apparently refers to the halt near Sudley Ford.
^' The report of this gun was heard by many people but rf^ one tells
who fired it. Cj. "The Battle Described by a Volunteer," Press, Julv 27,
1861 ; "DeWitt" to the Journal, July 23, 1861.
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES 13
Regt of rebels hidden behind a long rail fence, at
the top of a grove which sloped down to the road
where we were. The sensation caused by the first
shower of bullets around ones head, is very strange.
We were halted and ordered to throw off our blan-
kets & haversacks. This done [we] were ordered to
go to our work of slaughter. Such a yell as ascended
from our Regt as we rushed up the hill*^ has seldom
been heard since the Indian war whoop has become
extinct. We drove them from the fence back upon
open ground where we gave them such a volley of
bullets, that they were obliged to retreat to another
grove further on.** They made several attempts to
form their line and advance. But with our little
battery and good marksmen in the infantry soon put
a stop to all such proceedings. We held the hill we
were upon for forty-five minutes without aid from
anyone. That is the 2d Regt and battery. During this
time they were bringing up the other regiments.
Our men fired away all their ammunition. Twenty-
five rounds, and then used that of the dead and
wounded. I filled the box of one of our men from a
dead man's. When this was gone we were helpless.
The other Regiments how came up and we were
relieved. The lack of ammunition was one of the
greatest oversights on the part of those who com-
manded the expedition that could have been made.*'
Col. Slocum is dead but he will never perish in the
*^ Matthews Hill, see map, page 9.
^■^ Henrv House Hill, see map, page 9.
85
In his hasty letter of July 22, written before he had much oppor-
tunity to talk things over, Ames refers to "getting out of ammunition."
Joseph P. Manton, a volunteer with the 1st R. I., wrote: "They fought
heroically until their ammunition was exhausted." Journal, July 25,
1 861 . Years later, after there was ample time to establish an alibi, Private
Rhodes wrote: "We withdrew to replenish our ammunition." Rhodes, 2 1 .
But the contemporary accounts destroy the validity of Johnston's slur on
the Rhode Island troops and on Burnside's official report when he writes:
14 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
memory of those who saw him on the battlefield.
He was as calm and cool as I have ever seen him.
The last order he gave to our Capt was, I give you
command of the left wing — keep it. He walked off,
and was shot about two minutes afterwards. I saw
him as he was being carried off the field, I could see
no motion in any of his limbs only a slight motion of
the eyelids. He is a man that will be much missed
by us air'' Major Ballou was a man out of his place.
He had no knowledge of field movements which
made him less efficient as an officer. We all liked him
as a man, and he was a brave man upon the field.
I saw his horse laying [sic] upon the field with a
hole in his side as large round as the top of a hat, made
"At the very moment that Bee and Evans gave way under the lire of the
Federal batteries, Burnside's men were apparently done with. They made
no attempt at pursuit, but on the contrary fell back; Burnside's official
euphemism' runs: — 'I withdrew my brigade into the woods in rear of the
line for the purpose of supplying the troops with ammunition ....'"
Johnston, 210. Reference to his bibliography shows that Johnston did
not make use of private letters, even those published in the newspapers
a few days after the battle.
^^ Elisha H. Rhodes, private in Co. D, wrote: "Col. Slocum had crossed
a rail fence in our front and had advanced nearer to the brow of the hill
than the line occupied by the regiment. As he returned and was in the
act of climbing the fence, he fell on the side next to the regiment.
I being the nearest man to him at the time, raised him up, but was unable
to lift him from the ground." Rhodes, 19.
When Col. Slocum was wounded, Gov. Sprague — who was present —
immediately promoted Lt.-Col. Frank Wheaton to the command. He
was the son of Surgeon Wheaton (note 7) who had been educated to be
a civil engineer. He assisted John R. Bartlett in the survey of the United
States-Mexican border. Appointed Lt. U. S. Cavalry, 185 5 ; Capt., 1861 ;
commissioned Lt.-Col. 2d R. I., by Gov. Sprague, July 16, 1861. Pro-
moted to Brigadier-General of Volunteers, at Fredericksburg (1862) ; to
brevet Major-General of \'olunteers, bv Gen. Sheridan, at Cedar Creek
(1864).
Gen. Wheaton commanded either a regiment, a brigade, or a division
in every battle in which the Army of the Potomac was engaged from Bull
Run to Appomatox, besides participating in Gen. Sheridan's Shenandoah
Valley campaigns (1864). Bartlett, 433-3 5, Journal, June 20, 1903.
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES 15
by the ball that killed the Major/^' Burnside God
bless him is a man who has not his equal upon the
face of the earth. He had the command after Col
Hunter was wounded. McDowell could not be found
half the time. Gen. Burnside was in and on the field
all the time. His hat had several bullet holes in the
top. When he heard of Col. Slocum's death, he was
very much affected even to tears. When Burnside
came off the field he said in the presence of some of
the Officers of the 1st and 2d Regiments, "By G-d
the fighting men are in the 2d." This is as true as
the day is long. He is a man who never uses profane
language and this was owing to the excitement of the
moment. Capt Steere did very w^ell indeed and well
merits his promotion.''^ We will now return to the
retreat. After our ammunition had given out we
retired to the woods in our rear. The rebel batteries
seemed to be silenced and I went on my expedition
through the woods which you know about. '^" Just as
I had finished my tour of misery seeing, I saw an
artillery wagon rushing past, and a man as I passed
the Hospital told me that we were retreating. I was
**' "Major Ballon showed himself, the bravest of the brave," "Tock-
wotton," in the Press, July 26, 1861. He was appointed Major "not for
his military experience, but from the general confidence felt, and most
justly felt, in him. He proved before his death . . . that he possessed
an unusual capacitv for command, and a great aptitude for the military
art." Bartlett, 250. {rj. note +1).
**** Promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel, July 22, 1861.
**** July 23, 1861, Ames wrote his father: "After the battle was fought
I went into a grove where the secessionists had been concealed. I found
the grove covered with the dead and dying. The sight was one that I pray
never to see again. One poor fellow with his leg blown off called me to
him, and asked me to shake hands with him. I did so. He then asked me
if I had any ill feelings towards him. I replied. No, but I am sorry that
brothers should be obliged to slaughter each other in this manner. The
poor fellow burst into tears and said he came from Georgia and that they
would have shot him in his own house if he had not come. 1 saw many
heart rendering [sic] scenes. ... I must go now and help take an account
of the dead and wounded. Sad business this."
16 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
very much inclined to tell him he lied for after such
fighting as we had just gone through with, I thought it
was ridiculous.^" But when I got to the top of the hill
it proved a reality. The retreat was not an orderly
one for about one mile when we were halted. The
two Rhode Island Regiments were formed in good
order, and in fact our Brigade I think was the best
formed and governed of all the troops in the column.
We marched back through the woods by the same
road that we came. I knew and expected that if the
enemy had been reinforced by Johnston, that we
would be either cut off whilst going through the wood
or when we attempted to cross the bridge at Bull
Run."^ And sure enough after the column had com-
menced filing over the bridge they opened upon us
with shot and shell from their cannon posted in a
thick wood opposite the bridge. A ball came crashing
over my head into the woods snapping off the boughs
and branches as if they had been pipe stems. I stopped
to see if I could not help rally the men but it was
no use. Men who have been walking and fighting
from two in the morning until six in the evening with
nothing to eat cannot be made to do much work. Now
came the grand stampede. I thought to myself Ames
you have got to get across that brook or have your
throat cut. You must either ford it or go over the
bridge. I then had an idea that they would try to
sweep the bridge knowing there must be a jam there.
I therefore jumped in up to my middle and gained
^° Ames was not alone in his opinion. "At three In the afternoon the
enemy disappeared in our front and the firing ceased. We considered that
a victory had been won. The wounded were cared for and then orders
came for us to retire to a piede of woods in our rear and fill our boxes
with ammunition." Rhodes, 21. Cf. "Tockwotton" in the Press, July 25,
1861 ; Woodbury, 35-36; First R. I. Regt., 106.
^^ He means the bridge over Cub Run, as he was never near Stone
Bridge over Bull Run.
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES 17
the Other side in safety.^" The retreat after leaving
the bridge was a grand mixture of all the Regiments,
until we got to our old camp beyond Centreville
where our Regiment was reformed and proceeded on
to Washington marching until about nine or ten the
next morning.''"* A pretty severe job I can tell you.
Any person can see that there was very little judge-
ment shown in the whole affair. We were not fit for
anything when we arrived upon the battle ground.
For a march of fifteen miles with heavy blanket and
nothing to eat does not improve a man for fighting
order. And we were to be kept as a reserve. But the
first thing that we knew the lion had his jaws open
and we were walking in like flies. There is only two
ways in which I can account for our great mishap.
McDowell is either a traitor or a d fool. In
answer to your question about our company being first
in the battle — you must understand that an army in
advancing through a hostile country throws out what
are called flankers and skirmishers. These always meet
the enemy first and give the alarm to the column. *
From all accounts every one in the Rhode Island regi-
ments was completely surprised by the order to retreat.
Chaplain Jameson, of the Second, said: "I supposed the
"" "The bridge [over Cub Run]," wrote "Tockwotton," "was at once
broken and the river choked with vehicles of all sorts, so that passage to
others than persons on foot and single horsemen by fording the stream
became impossible." "Tockwotton," Press, August S, 1861. See also,
Monroe, 25, and Rhodes, 22.
"They [the Rhode Island regiments] came over Long Bridge in
line, with Colonel Burnside and Governor Sprague at their head." Joseph
P. Manton in the Journal, July 25, 1861.
The sketch which Ames appended to this letter would indicate that
the skirmishers were in advance as well as beside the column, but Lt.
John P. Shaw, Co. F, states that his company — not Lt. Ames' Co. D. —
was the advance guard and had skirmishers "on each side of the road."
Journal, July 27, 1861. Monroe said the 2d R. L "skirmishers, contrary
to the custom of throwing them well in advance, . . . moved directly
on the flanks of the column." Monroe, 1 2.
18 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
day was gained. Our part was a victory.""" Chaplain
Woodbury, who had acted as an aide to Burnside, wrote:
"The enemy acknowledges himself beaten at half past
three o'clock."'"^ But on the Henry House Hill the Con-
deferates had rallied and with Jackson's brigade "stand-
ing like a stone wall" turned the tide. "Here, about half-
past 3 P. M., began the scene of confusion and disorder
that characterized the remainder of the day," wrote Gen.
Sherman in his official report, July 25, 1861. "Up to
that time, all had kept their places, and seemed perfectly
cool. . . j but the short exposure to an intense fire of
small-arms, at close range, had killed many, wounded
more, and had produced disorder in all of the battalions
that attempted to encounter it." From the Rhode Island
point of view it is sufficient to note that the retreat and
ensuing panic occurred when her regiments were not
engaged.
"It is now generally admitted," wrote Sherman ( 1875),
"that it was one of the best-planned battles of the war,
but one of the worst fought. . . . Both armies were fairly
defeated, and, whichever had stood fast, the other would
have run. Though the North was overwhelmed with
mortification and shame, the South really had not much
to boast of, for in three or four hours of fighting their
organization was so broken up that they did not and
could not follow our army when it was known to be in
a state of disgraceful and causeless flight.""'
The Ames letters do not reflect any of the mortifica-
tion to which Gen. Sherman refers. Gov. Sprague's ad-
dress to the troops saying that "he would give his last
""' Press, July 25, 1861.
"^^ Woodbury, First R. I. Regt., 106.
"'Sherman, I, 181-82, Henderson, I, 141-54. "Lt. says
Russell of the [London] Times told him that he had seen every kind of
a 'scrimmage' from an Irish wake to a pitched battle, and he never saw
anything so strange as that rout, when there was nothing to run from."
Journal, July 31, 1861.
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES 19
drop of blood and his last cent to have us avenged,"''^
encouraged Ames to express similar sentiments: "If ever
we go into Va again it will not be with a light step as
before paying double price for everything we wanted to
eat and drink. There is one thing I am sure of, the soldiers
will if not restrained by some high powers burn and slay
as they go. They are bound to be avenged." But this mood
passes in the next sentence and he agrees with his father
that there "is a great deal of boasting amongst some people.
I have tried not to open my mouth upon what I did dur-
ing the battle. For if I did anything others will know it
without my singing my song to every person that 1 meet.""
If he is modest about himself, yet he delights to tell of
the exploits of others. "The President came out to see us
after our return. He was introduced to our Color-Bearer,^""
a very brave young fellow who stood like a man of iron
in the face of the hottest hre. I was near the Glorious old
flag when a cannon ball came rushing through the silken
folds of our banner, Which by the way is pretty well
riddled by rifle balls." Said an ofiicer, "That fellow alone
is worth a thousand men."^"' Lincoln and Secretary
Seward, who accompanied him, "were informed both of
his conduct and of the admiration of it expressed by officers
of other regiments in the field. Mr. Seward took his
name," wrote the correspondent of the Press, "and you
will be pleased to learn the brave fellow has received a
commission."^"'
** Ames to Mother, July 25, 1861.
^^ Ames to Father, July 26, 1861.
'""John M. Duffy, Color-Sergeant Co. C, June 5, 1861; 2d Lt.,
July 22, 1 861 ; 1st Lt. Co. B, Nov. 13, 1861; resigned to accept appoint-
ments as 1st Lt. 13th U. S. Infantry, Nov. 26, 1861 ; Capt. 22d U. S.
Infantry, Nov. 8, 1 86+.
^''l Press, July 26, 1861.
^°~ Press, July 29, 1861. In a letter to the Evening Bulletin, Feb-
ruary 8, 1867, John R. Bartlett states that he erred in giving credit for
this exploit to C. G. Pierce, Co. G. (P. 125); that he had since been
informed by Gen. Nelson \'iall the real hero was John M. Duffy.
20 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Ames was naturally affected by the loss of his fellow
officers.
"It seems very sad as I sit by the door of my tent."^
Opposite if I happen to glance in that direction, I miss the
pleasant faces of the Col and Major. If to the right of
me our messmate Capt Smith. ^"^ If I look to the left of
us Capt Tower is gone."^ It is truly sad to see what deso-
lation and misery a few dirty scoundrels called Politicians
can bring about. Pell was not injured in the least and is
as bright as ever.""''
On July 28 Ames wrote his father:
"The vacancies caused by death in our ranks have at
last been Riled. Capt Steere is our Lt Col. and a good one
he will make. Capt. Viall is to be our Major. Sears whose
number was very near the head has been promoted."^ He
is now Capt of Co D. My number was formerly ten it is
now five so if we have another Bull Run, I shall be pro-
moted to a captaincy or first lieutenant berth.
"These promotions are not made on account of bravery
or any other deeds done on the battle field. This promo-
tion leaves the 1st Lt berth open. This is now filled by
Jim Aborn/'"' who is the Quartermaster and he being
detached for this service it leaves me the work of both
Lts under a very poor Captain a man who I do not respect
"^ Ames to Mother, July 26, 1861.
^^* Samuel James Smith of Seekonk. He was a practicing apothecary
in Woonsocket. Mustered as Capt. Co. I, 2d R. I., June 5, 1861. Killed
at the bridge over Cub Run on the retreat. Bartlett, 129-30.
^°^ Levi Tower of Blackstone, Mass. Left Brown because of ill health.
Entered the employ of Jacob Dunnell, the calico printer in Pawtucket.
Ensign 1st R. L and transferred as Capt. Co. F, 2d R. L Bartlett, 127-28.
^^^ Duncan Archibald Pell of Newport, Ames' classmate. In his
sophomore year at Brown, he enlisted as a private 1st R. L; 1st Lt. Sept.
17, 1861; appointed aide to Gen. Burnside and attended him on the
campaigns of Roanoke Island and Newbern. Bartlett, 2 57-62.
' Every rank, e. g.. Captain, First Lieutenant, etc., drew numbers
for the order of their rank and promotion.
^''^ James xAborn of Providence: 1st Lt. Co. B, and Quartermaster,
June 6, 1861; resigned, March 13, 1863.
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES 21
and what is more I can not as I have known hnn too long.
1 do not wish to boast but I will say that I did my duty
on Sunday last and what is more they know^ here that I
did not get behind any old chimnies or houses on the
ground. Now, I wish to serve under a man that knows
more than I do, and a man that I respect. The course I
have laid out for myself is to try it as long as I can and
then resign my commission if I find him as he always is
very much of a bully over those below him."
William Ames was a reserved and careful person all
his life. It seems probable that a severe attack of "Job's
comforters" was responsible for the outburst of spleen in
his letter of July 31.
"I have made it a practice since my return from the
battle not to open my mouth upon the actions and behavior
of any person on the held of battle. But in you I have a
person and friend in whom I can trust.
"Capt Cyrus Dyer is accused of not making his appear-
ance in good season and w^hen he was seen was under the
influence of liquor.^"'* His 1st Lt is said to have hidden
behind a chimney, in a neighboring farm house. His name
is Arnold from the country."*^ I believe Capt Dexter"^
of the 1st was not at all anxious to get into harms way but
laid on his stomach in a hollow clawing the earth as if he
had a bad belly ache. Lt Warner"' of the 1st was not
upon his feet much of the time. Frank Goddard""* fought
well on his own part but had no command over his men.
Cyrus G. Dyer of Providence: 1st Lt. and Quartermaster, 1st R. I.,
April 18, 1861 ; resigned and appointed Capt. Co. A, 2d R. I., June 1,
1861; Major 12th R. I., Oct. 10, 1862; mustered out, July 29, 1863.
^^^ Stephen T. Arnold of Providence: 1st Lt. Co. A, June 6, 1861;
wounded at Bull Run; resigned, Oct. 26, 1861.
^^^ Arthur F. Dexter, Capt. Co. A, 1st R. I.; appointed Capt., on staff
of Brig. -Gen. Tyler, April, 1862; afterwards resigned.
''' Luther C. Warner, 1st Lt., Co. C, 1st R. L
Francis Wayland Goddard of Providence: enlisted as private Co. C,
1st R. L; promoted to be Capt. Carbineers, June 27, 1861. Proceedings,
R. L Hist. Soc, 1889-90, 93-96.
22 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
I can only say and it is the opinion of a great many here
that Burnside got them home as soon as he could in order
to get rid of comparison. Bob Goddard,"^ Moses Jenkins,
Hoppin, DeWolf, Greene, Bill Jones, and a great many
others fought bravely."''
"When we left Providence my number was ten of the
2d Lts. It is now four in the line of promotion. Sears
was No two of the 1st Lts. So that he is now a Capt and
will make a very poor one, I think. 1 do not say this
from jealousy, because I do not consider myself experi-
enced or old enough to take the responsibility of such an
office. But a 1st lieutenancy I am pretty sure of having
very soon."
A few days later, August 1, he wrote his mother: "I
hope you will burn that letter with all the personal obser-
vations in it."
Though he was less splenetic in mind he was no better
in body.
"To commence my tale of '■jcoe. 1 have several of Job's
comforters upon the calves of my legs. 2dly I have a
large gathering in my right ear. . . . All this was no doubt
brought on by eating too much salt meat. Not having
any ice it is almost impossible to keep fresh meat in good
order ten minutes. . . . You must not aggravate me by
describing your dinners."""
^^"^ Robert H. I. Goddard of Providence: Brown '58, enrolled as
private Co. C, 1st R. I., April 17, 1861, mustered in. May 2, 1861;
volunteer Aide-de-Camp on staff of Generals Burnside and Parke, 1 862-
63; brevet Major of Volunteers, for gallant service at Knoxville, Tenn.,
Aug. 1, 1864; brevet Lt.-Col. Volunteers for meritorious services at Fort
Stedman and Fort Sedgwick, Va., April 2, 1865 ; resigned, July 3, 1865.
Journal, March 10, 1906, Feb. 10, 1907, April 24, 1916.
■^^^ Moses B. Jenkins; William W. Hoppin; William D. Jones, private
Co. C, 1st R. 1. The "Greene" referred to may be Aaron S., Arnold,
Edward W. or William W. B. Greene; the "DeWolf" may be either
James A. or Winthrop DeWolf, all members of Co, C, 1st R. I.
"''Ames to Father, August 5, 1861.
CIVIL WAR LETTERS OF WILLIAM AMES 23
While having his leg dressed he "saw a pile of bandages
upon a table and recognized your handwriting," he wrote
his mother. "I little thought when you were rolling them
at home that I should see them again here.""'
Unfit for duty and confined to camp he evidently was
not in uniform. He tried to amuse his little brother Ned:
"You ought to see me just at present. I have invested in
a pair of white canvass |sic| shoes which are very nice
and easy. The old felt hat which father advised me to
put in my trunk I find a great blessing. I have cut a hole
in the top and placed a figure two upon the front. This
makes a very fancy rig."^"
Gov. Sprague had been commissioned Brigadier-Gen-
eral and there was much speculation about his duties.
"I was glad to see by your letter [Ames wrote his
father, August 1 1 | that the Governor would not accept
the Ofiice of Brigadier-General. For if he did he would
most probably have command of our Brigade and in my
poor little opinion he is too rash to lead a large body of
men into battle. I think he is a man that would have his
men cut to pieces when there was no need of it. Not that
he is not brave. For every person knows that he is. But
a little too rash for my money. Now of all the men upon
the earth give me Burnside for the Commander of our
Brigade. He in my opinion is a great deal cooler and has
a better knowledge of military matters. I am in hopes
that he will be over us. As the Governor can be more
useful in his present capacity of a Father as it were of the
R I Regiments. I was also sorry to see that he had
appointed Tompkins as Major of the Light Artillery
119
"'Ames to Mother, August 6, 1861.
' Ames to his brother, Edward Carrington Ames, August 6, 1861.
^^' Charles H. Tompkins of New Windsor, N. Y.: Capt. Providence
Marine Corps of Artillery, "which was not only the first volunteer battery
in the service, but for some time the only battery of rifled guns." Bart-
lett, 373-82. The 1st R. I. Battery saw service under Gen. Patterson
near Harper's Ferrv.
24 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
He was despised by all of his men and was even driven
all around the cannons one night by one of the men who
was just drunk enough to show his spite to his Captain.
Tompkins never noticed it as he should have done.
"Captain Reynolds^'" of the 2d Battery is a man who is
liked by all and a good officer. It is the opinion of all our
Officers that he is the man for that place.
"I have heard from persons who have arrived here
from Providence that the 1st Regt were perfect David
Crocketts amongst the wildcats at Bull Run, they all hav-
ing killed four or five men apiece. I saw a letter which
was found in the 1st Regt Quarters after they had left.
It was not quite finished and was written by one of
Goddard's Co saying that he had killed sixteen men and
lauding his Co to the heavens. . . ."
He closed with a comment which revealed his native
business acumen:
"Anyone can see by looking at the resources of the South
that they cannot stand as long a war as we can so that I
feel no trouble about whipping them after a while."
{To be Continued^
^'•^ William H. Reynolds: 1st Lt. 1st R. I.; resigned June 1, 1861;
appointed Capt. 2d Battery, R. I. Lt. Artillery, June 6, 1861 ; Lt. Col.
1st R. I. Lt. Artillery, Sept. 13, 1861. Bartlett, 387-90.
Collections of Civil War and World War letters will be
welcome additions to the Library.
Members are invited to contribute material relative to
the Hurricane (1938)j National and State Election
( 1940) j and city and town directories and tax books from
1937 to date.
I
LIST OF MEMBERS
25
List of Active Members of the Rhode Island
Historical Society
DECEMBER 1940
Mr. Frederick W. Aldred
Mr. Edward K. Aldrich, Jr.
Miss Lucy T. Aldrich
Hon. Richard S. Aldrich
Mr. Stuart M. Aldrich
Mr, Devere Allen
Mr. Philip Allen
Miss Ada Almy
Mrs. Everard Appleton
Miss Maude E, Armstrong
Mrs. Edward E. Arnold
Mr. Frederick W. Arnold
Miss Mittie Arnold
Mr. James H. Arthur
Mr. Donald S. Babcock
Mr. J. Earle Bacon
Mr. Albert A. Baker
Mrs. Charles K. Baker
Mr. Harvey A. Baker
Mrs. Horton Baker
Mrs. Sarah Minchin Barker
Miss Sarah Dyer Barnes
Mr. Fred H. Barrows
Mr. Earl G. Batty
Miss Mariorie L. Bean
Mrs. Daniel Beckwith
Mr. Henry L. P. Beckwith
Mr. Frederic N. Beede
Mr. Herbert G. Beede
Mrs. Herbert G. Beede
Mr. Robert J. Beede
Mr. Horace G. Belcher
Mr. Charles P. Benns
Mrs. Charles P. Benns
Mr. Bruce M. Bigelow
Mr. George E. Bixby
Mr. Zenas W. Bliss
Mr. J. J. Bodell
Mr. Amos M. Bowen
Mr. Richard LeB. Bowen
Rev. Arthur H. Bradford
Mr. Claude R. Branch
Dr. William G. Braude
Miss Alice Brayton
Miss Ida F. Bridgham
Mrs. William E. Brigham
Mrs. Clarence A. Brouwer
Mr. Clarence Irving Brown
Mr. Cyrus P. Brown
Mr. Frank Hail Brown
Mr. John Nicholas Brown
Madelaine R. Brown, M.D.
Mr. Wilbur D. Brown
Capt. Ernest Henry Brownell
Miss Madeleine M. Bubier
Mr. Harris H. Bucklin
Mr. Edward J. C. Bullock
Mr. Mortimer L. Burbank
Mr. Edwin A. Burlingame
Alfred T. Butler, Esq.
Col. G. Edward Buxton
Mrs. Edwin A. Cady
Mr. John H. Cady
Mrs. Charles A. Calder
Mrs. W. R. Callender
Mrs. Wallace Campbell
Mr. Thomas B. Card
Mrs. George W. Carr
Miss Anna H. Chace
Mr. Malcolm G. Chace
26
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mrs. Everitte S. Chaffee
Prof. Robert F. Chambers
Mr. Arthur D. Champlin
Mr. George B. Champlin
Miss Anna Chapin
Charles V. Chapin, M.D.
Mrs. Charles V. Chapin
Mr. Frederic L. Chase
Mr. Albert W. Claflin
Mrs. Edward S. Clark
Prof. Theodore Collier
Mrs. Clarkson A. Collins, Jr.
Mr. James C. Collins
Mrs.' Charles D. Cook
Mr. Albert B. Coulters
Prof. Verner W. Crane
Mr. Frank H. Cranston
Mr. Harry Parsons Cross
Frank Anthony Cummings, M.D.
Mrs. Frank Anthony Cummings
Mr. Arthur Cushing
Prof. S. Foster Damon
Murray S. Danforth, M.D.
Mrs. Murray S. Danforth
Mr. William C. Dart
Mr. Foster B. Davis
Miss Mary Elliott Davis
Mrs. R. C. Davis
Prof. Edmund B. Delabarre
Mr. Paul C. DeWolf
Miss Alice S. Dexter
Miss Eunice W. Dexter
Mrs. Leroy E. Dickinson
Mr. Walter Frederick Dickinson
Miss Louise Diman
John E. Donley, M.D.
Mr. Louis W. Downes
Mrs. Louis W. Downes
Mr. Robert T. Downs
Miss Dorothy D. Dunlop
Mr. Henry A. DuVillard
Miss Margarethe L. Dwight
Miss Anna Jones Dyer
Col. H. Anthony Dyer
Mr. Charles G. Easton
Mr. Cyrus T. Eddy
Miss Isabel Eddv
Mrs. William Holden Eddy
Miss Harriet C. Edmonds
Mrs. Seeber Edwards
Mr. Walter Angell Edwards
Mr. Zenas H. Ellis
Mr. William Ely
Miss Mabel W. Funis
Mr. William Wood Estes
Mrs. William Wood Estes
Mr, Charles W. Farnham
Mr. Royal Bailey Farnum
Mr. Walter F. Farrell
Mrs. Charles Fletcher
Mr. Elliot Flint
Mr. Allan Forbes
Mr. Hovey T. Freeman
Hon. G. Frederick Frost
Mr. R. Clinton Fuller
Frank T. Fulton, M.D.
Mr. William Gammell
Mr. William Gammell, Jr.
Miss Abbie P. Gardner
Mrs. George Warren Gardner
Mrs. John T. Gardner
Mr. Preston Hicks Gardner
Mr. Daniel F. George
Mrs. Louis C. Gerry
Hon. Peter G. Gerry
Mrs. Peter G. Gerry
Mr. Robert H. L Goddard
Rabbi Israel M. Goldman
Mr. George T. Gorton
Mr. Harry Hale Goss
Mrs. Richard Rathbornc Graham
Mr. Eugene S. Graves
Mrs. Eugene S. Graves
Miss Eleanor B. Green
Hon. Theodore Francis Green
Mr. Dcnison W. Greene
Mrs. Joseph Warren Greene, Jr.
Mr. Thomas C. Greene
Mr. Ralph M. Greenlaw
Mr. William B. Grcenough
LIST OF MEMBERS
27
Mr. Russell Grinnell
Mr. E. Tudor Gross
Mr. R. F. Haffenreffer
Mr. John W. Halcy
Miss Annette Mason Ham
Mrs. Livingston Ham
Mrs. Albert G. Harkness
Mr. Benjamin P. Harris
Mr. Edwin Harris
Mrs. Thomas Harris
Mr. Everett S. Hartwell
N. Darrell Harvey, M.D.
Mr. William A. Hathaway
Miss Caroline Hazard
Mr. Thomas G. Hazard, ]r.
Mrs. W. E. Heathcote
Mr. Coles Hegeman
Mr. Bernon E. Helme
Mr. Joseph G. Henshaw
Mr. Robert W. Herrick
Mr. G. Burton Hibbert
Mr. Charles f. Hill
Mr. William A. Hill
Mr. Frank L. Hinckley
Mr. Richard A. Hoffman
Mrs. William H. Hoffman
Mrs. John S. Holbrook
Mr. George J. Holden
Mrs. John W. Holton
Mrs. Albert Horton
Mr. Charles A. Horton
Mr. M. A. DeWolfe Howe
Mr. Wallis E. Howe
Mrs. William Erwin Hoy
Mrs. George H. Huddy, Jr.
Mr. Sidney D. Humphrey
Mr. S. Foster Hunt
Mr. James H. Hyde
Mrs. C. Oliver Iselin
Mr. Norman M. Isham
Miss Mary A. Jack
Mrs. Donald Eldredge Jackson
Mrs. Edward P. Jastram
Mr. Thomas A. jenckes
Mrs. Edward L. Johnson
Mr. William C. Johnson
Mr. Llewellyn W. Jones
Dr. Lewis H. Kalloch
Mr. Francis B. Keenev
Mr. Charles A. Keller'
Mrs. Francis P. Kent
Mr. Howard R. Kent
Mr. H. Earle Kimball
Lucius C. Kingman, M.D.
Miss Adelaide Knight
Mr. C. Prescott Knight, Jr.
Mr. Robert L. Knight
Mrs. Robert L. Knight
Mr. Russell W. Knight
Mrs. Dana Lawrence
Miss Grace F. Leonard
Mrs. Austin T. Levy
Mr. Dexter L. Lewis
Mr. Charles Warren Lippitt
Mrs. Frances Pomeroy Lippitt
Mr. Gorton T. Lippitt
Mr. Arthur B. Lisle
Mrs. Arthur B. Lisle
Mr. Charles W. Littlefield
Mr. Ivory Littlefield
Rev. Augustus M. Lord
Mr. T. Robley Louttit
Mr. W. Easton Louttit, Jr.
Mr. David B. Lovell, Jr."
Mr. Albert E. Lowncs
Mr. Harold C. Lyman
Mr. Richard E. Lyman
Mr. George R. McAuslan
Mr. William A. McAuslan
Mr. Norman A. MacColl
Mr. William B. MacColl
Mr. Arthur M. McCrillis
Miss Grace E. Macdonald
Mr. Benjamin M. MacDougall
Miss Muriel McFee
Mr. Charles B. Mackinney
Mr. Ralph A. McLeod
Mrs. Herbert E. Maine
Mrs. William L. Manchester
28
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mr. Charles C. Marshall
Mr. Edgar W. Martin
Mrs. John F. Marvel
Mr. Harold Mason
Mr. John H. Mason
Mr. William L. Mauran
Mrs. William L. Mauran
Mrs. Frank Everitt Maxwell
Mr. Harry V. Mayo
Mr. W. Granville Meader
Mrs. Charles H. Merriman
Mrs. E. Bruce Merriman
Mr. Harold T. Merriman
Mrs. I. B. Merriman
Mrs. E. T. H. Metcalf
Mr. G. Pierce Metcalf
Mr. Houghton P. Metcalf
Mrs. I. Harris Metcalf
Hon. Jesse H. Metcalf
Mrs. Jesse H. Metcalf
Mr. Stephen O. Metcalf
Mr. William Davis Miller
Mrs. William Davis Miller
Mr. George L. Miner
Mr. Marshall Morgan
Mr. George A. Moriarty, Jr.
Mrs. Bentley W. Morse
Mr. Edward S. Moulton
Mrs. Edward S. Moulton
William M. Muncy, M.D.
Hon. Addison P. Munroe
Mr. Walter M. Murdie
Mr. Wilfred C. Murphy
Miss Eliza Taft Newton
Mr. Roger Hale Newton
Mr. Paul C. Nicholson
Mrs. Raymond M. Nickerson
Ira Hart Noves, M.D.
Miss Mary Olcott
Mrs. Frank F. Olney
Mr. Harald W. Ostby
Mr. G. Richmond Parsons
Mrs. G. Richmond Parsons
Miss Marv H. Parsons
Mr. Frederick S. Peck
Mrs. Frederick S. Peck
Mr. Horace M. Peck
Mr. Stephen I. Peck
Mr. William H. Peck
Mrs. F. H. Peckham
Mr. Clarence E. Peirce
Mr. John P. B. Peirce
Mr. Charles M. Perry
Mr. Howard B. Perry
John M. Peters, M.D.
Mr. Arthur L. Philbrick
Mr. Charles H. Philbrick
Mr. Alexander Van Cleve Phillips
Mr. Arthur S. Phillips
Mrs. Frank Nichols Phillips
Mr. Thomas L. Pierce
Mr. Albert H. Poland
Prof. Albert K. Potter
Dr. Arthur M. Potter
Mrs. Thomas I. Hare Powel
Miss Ethelyn Irene Pray
Mrs. Howard W. Preston
Mr. Robert Spencer Preston
Miss Evelyn M. Purdy
Helen C. Putnam, M.D.
Mr. Patrick H. Quinn
Mrs. George R. Ramsbottom
Mrs. C. K. Rathbone
Hon. Elmer J. Rathbun
Mrs. Irving E. Raymond
Mr. Charles C. Remington
Mr. R. Foster Reynolds
Rhode Island State College
Mr. Dana Rice
Mr. Herbert W. Rice
Mrs. Herbert W. Rice
Mr. Henry Isaac Richmond
Mrs. Fred Robinson
Mr. Robert Rodman
Mr. William Greene Roelker
Mr. Kenneth Shaw Safe
Mrs. Harold P. Salisbury
!VIrs. G. Coburn Sanctuary
Mrs. George C. Scott
LIST OF MEMBERS
29
Mrs. David Sands Seaman
Mr. Henry M. Sessions
Miss Ellen D. Sharpe
Mr. Henry D. Sharpe
Eliot A. Shaw, M.D.
Mrs. Frederick E. Shaw
Mrs. Philip C. Sheldon
Mr. Robert F. Shepard
Mr. Clarence E. Sherman
Mr. Harry B. Sherman
Mrs. Arthur F. Short
Mrs. Byron N. H. Smith
Mrs. Charles H. Smith
Mrs. Edwin C. Smith
Mr. Howard B. Smith
Hon. Nathaniel W. Smith
R. Morton Smith, M.D.
Mr. Walter B. Smith
Mr. Ward E. Smith
Miss Hattie O. E. Spaulding
Mrs. James G. Staton
Hon. Charles F. Stearns
Mrs. Charles F. Stearns
Mr. Thomas E. Steere
Miss Maud Lyman Stevens
Mr, Edward Clinton Stiness
Mr. Charles C. Stover
Mrs. Charles C. Stover
Mr. Henry A. Street
Mr. Frank H. Swan
Hon. John W. Sweeney
Dr. Walter I. Sweet
Mrs. Walter I. Sweet
Miss Louisa A. Sweetland
Mr. Royal C. Taft
Prof. Will S. Tavlor
Mrs. J. P. Thorndike
Louisa Paine Tinglev, M.D.
Mr. F. L. Titsworth
Mrs. William O. Todd
Mrs. Anthonv M. Tourtellot
Mr. William J. Tully
Mr. George R. L^rquhart
Hon. William H. \'anderbilt
Mrs. Helen C. \'ose
Mr. A. Tingley Wall
Mrs. Maurice K. Washburn
Mr. Slater Washburn
Mr. Frank E. Waterman
Mrs. Lewis A. Waterman
Prof. Arthur E. Watson
Col. Byron S. Watson
Mr. Richard Ward Greene Welling
Mr. John H. Wells
Mr. Philip C. Wentworth
Mrs. Philip C. Wentworth
Mr. Edward H. West
Mrs. Frank Williams Westcott
Mrs. Elizabeth N. White
Mr. Willis H. White
Mrs. Henry A. Whitmarsh
Mr. Frederick Bernavs Wiener
Mr. Frank J. Wilder'
Mr. Daniel L. Willmarth, Jr.
Miss Amey L. Willson
'Mr. William A. Wing
Mr. Wilson G. Wing
Mrs. George P. Winship
Rev, William Worthington
Mr. Nathan M. Wright
Mrs. Sydney L. Wright, Jr.
Dr. Henry M. Wriston
Mr. Lawrence C. Wroth
Mr. Frederick W. York
Mr. Ernest G. Adams
Mr. Herbert M. Adams
Mr. Arthur M. Allen
Lt. Col. Howard V. Allen
Miss Mary B. Anthony
Mr. Theodore H. Bliss
NEW MEMBERS
Mr. Richard Bowen
Mr. J. Cunliffe Bullock
Mr. George H. Capron
Mr. Henry S. Chafee
Mr. John S. Chafee
Mr. Zecharlah Chafee
30
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Mr. Zechariah Chafec, Jr.
Mr. G. Maurice Congdon
Mr. Dudley R. Cowles
Mr. Henry B. Cross
Mrs. Edith Roelker Curtis
Mr. David Dalv
Halsey DeWolf, M.D.
Dr. Alexander Dorner
Mr. Robert B. Dresser
Mr. John L. Easton, Jr.
Mr. Gurney Edwards
Mr. William H. Edwards
Mr. M. Randolph Flather
Rev. Frederick S. Fleming
Mr. George D. Flynn
Mrs. Frank B. Fox
Mr. Thomas A. Francis
Mr. Charles VV. Freeman
Mr. Clarke Freeman
Mr. Evert W. Freeman
Mrs. Hovey T. Freeman
Mr. George W. Gardiner
Mrs. Howard Johnson Greene
Mr. Gerald T. Hanley
Dr. James L. Hanley
Mr. L. Newton Hayes
Mrs. Lauriston H. Hazard
Mr. Clifford D. Heathcote
Hon. Felix Hebert
Mr. Walter Lee Hidden
Mr. Howard L. Hitchcock
Mr. W. Harold Hoffman
Mr. Charles C. Horton
Mr, Garry C. House
Mr. Maxwell C. Huntoon
Mr. William S. Innis
Mr. Harry Leob Jacobs
Mr. Chester D. Johnstone
Mr. J. D. E. Jones
Mr. A. Livingston Kelley
Mr. Eugene A. Kingman
Mr. Henry D. Knight
Mr. Lawrence Lanpher
Mr. George E. Leighton
Mr. John B. Lewis
Mrs. Henry F. Lippitt
Mr. Frederick B. Luce
Dr. Stephen B. Luce
Mrs. Hugh F. MacColl
Hon. J. Howard McGrath
Mr. Colin MacR. Makepeace
Mr. George T. Marsh
Mr. Carl B. Marshall
Dr. Albert D. Mead
Mr. Charles H. Merriman
Dr. Kenneth B. Murdock
Mr. Barnes Newberry
Rabbi Louis L Newman
Miss Martha S. Nicholson
Mrs. Paul C. Nicholson
Mr. Gordon L. Parker
Mr. Eliot G. Parkhurst
Rev. Anthony R. Parshley
Dr. Harold f. Pearcc
Rt. Rev. James DeWolf Perry
Mr. Edward H. Rathbun
Mr. Louis M. Ream
Mr. Ralph Richards
Mr. Frank E. Richmond
Mr. Howard A. Richmond
Mrs. Howard A. Richmond
Mr. Charles B. Rockwell
Miss Nancy L. Roelker
Mrs. William G. Roelker
Mr. Morgan W. Rogers
Arthur H. Ruggles, M.D.
Mr. Gordon Schonfarber
Mr. Philip B. Simonds
Hon. Charles P. Sisson
Mrs. Rush Sturges
Mr. Harrison Southwick Taft
Mr. Harold B. Tanner
Mr. J. P. Thorndike
Mr. Frederick W. Tillinghast
Mr. Leonard C. Tingley
Mr, Raymond H. Trott
Mr. James A. T\'son
Dr. Henry B. \ an Hoesen
Mr. Richmond \'ia]l
Mrs. Frederic A. Wallace
Mr, John C, B. Washburn
Mr. Howard H. Wilkinson
Dr. Frederick R. Wulsin
ACCKSSIONS TO THE LIBRARY 31
A Partial List of
Accessions to the Library
Anonymous, Dictionary of American Biography y 21 vol-
umes (New York, 1928-37).
Arnold, Hoffman & Co., Inc., Medal and pamphlet, Com-
}iie}}wrating the one hundred and tivenly- fifth anni-
versary of Arnold, Hoffman <y Co., Inc., 1 815-1940
(Providence, 1940).
Dr. Asa S. Briggs, The MacSparran Diary ( Boston, 1899)
edited by Rev. Daniel Goodwin ; The Lands of Rhode
Island (Providence, 1904) by Sidney S. Rider j
Westerly and Its Witnesses (Providence, 1878) by
Rev. Frederic Denison.
Eugene A. Clauss, The Providence Athenaeum (Provi-
dence, 1939).
Congdon & Carpenter Co., One Hundred and Fifty Years,
Congdon ^5' Carpenter Company (Providence, 1940).
Mrs. Henry F. Lippitt, Domestic Manners of the Amer-
icans (Great Britain, 1927) by Frances Trollope;
Forty Years in Washington (Boston, 1924) by David
S. Barry; Handbook of Nezv England (Boston, 1921)
by Porter E. Sargent; Three Generations (Boston,
1923) by Maud Howe Elliott; Sketches of America
(London, England, 1818) by Henry B. Fearon.
William G. Mather, Cotton Mather: A Bibliography of
His Works (Cambridge, Mass., 1940) by Thomas
James Holmes.
Rhode Island Society of Colonial Wars, The Palatine Ship
(Central Falls, R. I., 1939).
Willis H. White, Proceedings of Neii-port Natural History
Society Documents 1-4, 6, 9 (Newport, 1883-1900);
the Westminster Unitarian Society 1S2S-1928 (Prov-
idence, 1928) by Rev, George E. Hathaway.
Mrs. Elizabeth N. White, Christian Peake (1939) by Eliz-
abeth N. White.
32 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Manuscripts
By gift from:
Dr. Asa S. Briggs, Records of First Seventh Day Church of
Hofkintofiy R. I.y 1690-1716, copied by Louise Pros-
ser Bates.
William Allan Dyer, Genealogical Record "By the Name
of Dyer.'^
Henry A. Greene, Promissory Note $1.00, Farmer's Ex-
change Bank.
Serril W. Nicholas, Family of Rev. William Moore of
Newport.
Miss Mary W. Peckham, 5 letters and documents (1807-
2)S) relative to Thomas W. Peckham.
Commander Simon Ray Sands, Map of Block Island show-
ing land set aside for 1 6 original owners.
John A. Street, 3 documents (1784-1802) relative to
Hezekiah Olney.
F. L. Titsworth, Records of the Pomham Club, 1882-1902.
James A. Tyson, 2 Attorney Day Books 1 823-34 and 1 845-
51 j and 7 Account Books 1803-1836.
OTHER MATERIAL
Relative to the elections of 1840, 1884, 1888 and 1940
presented by Mrs. Lawrence Lanpher, Hon. Peter G.
Gerry, F. G. Valpey, Henry A. Greene, Nelson H. Thorp
and Democratic State Central Committee.
RHODE ISLAND BOOKS PURCHASED
Gilbert Stuart and His Pupils (New York City, 1939) by
John Hill Morgan.
The Irrepressible Democrat, Roger Williams (New York
City, 1940) by Samuel H. Brockunier.
Rhode Island Architecture (Providence, 1939) by Henry
R. Hitchcock, Jr.
Roger Williams, His Life, Work and Ideals (Washington,
D. C, 1939) by Charles S. Longacre.
CT^'he Historical Societies of the United
^-^ States have many and interesting functions.
They must collect and preserve historical material,
printed and manuscript, and must maintain libraries
and museums, well catalogued and accessible; they
must print and publish; they must arouse public
interest, and keep alive a patriotic regard for local
history; they must take part in celebrations; they
must accumulate biographical and obituary records;
they must attract money and members. We all
know that, considering their resources, they do most
of these things exceedingly well. Each of us knows
the serious efforts which his own society makes to
accomplish these tasks; each of us is under frequent
obligations to other societies for the fruits of their
zealous and successful labors. The development of
their libraries in particular can not fail to excite
admiration. It may be said with confidence that
there is no other country in the world in which the
libraries of historical societies have so important a
place as they have among the libraries of the United
States.
J. Franklin Jameson, Annual Re fort of the
American Historical Association, 1897, 5 3.
RHODE ISLAND
HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXXIV
APRIL, 1941
No. 2
GILBERT STUART, AETAT 69. PORTRAIT BUST FROM THE LIFE MASK
BY JOHN HENRI ISAACS BROWERE (1792-1834).
Courtesy of the Redtcood Library, Nezcport
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
Portrait Bust of Gii^bert Stuart
by John Henri Isaacs Browcrc ..... Cover
What Was Gilbert Stuart's Name?
by John Hill Morgan 33
Narragansett
by William Davis Miller 44
A Colonial Merchant to His Son
Edited by Frank Hail Brown ..... 47
The Irrepressible Democrat: Roger Williams
by Samuel Hugh Brockunicr . . . . . . 57
Rez'iezced by Lawrence C. Wnjtli
Thomas Tefft, Progressive Rhode Islander
by Barbara Wriston ....... 60
Treasurer's Report ........ 62
Third
Old Central Baptist Church, Providence . . Cover
Back
New Members since January 4, 1941 . . . Cover
RHODE 'M±^ ISLAND
HISTORICAL ^m(W/ SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XXXIV APRIL, 1941 No. 2
Charles F. Stearns, President Robert T. Downs, Treasurer
William Davis Miller, Secretary William G. Roelker, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
What Was Gilbert Stuart's Name?
John Hill Morgan*
Stuart, the famous painter, was christened "Gilbert,"
but the wiseacres of our Post Office Department have seen
fit to dub him "Gilbert Charles Stuart." Its decision on
a question of fact of this kind would be of no importance
had not the power, inherent in the Department, permitted
it to issue a set of stamps, commemorative of illustrious
Americans; the one cent variety of which bears a poor like-
ness of the painter, with his name engraved as "Gilbert
Charles Stuart." Plate 1.
How many millions of one cent stamps will be sold from
this issue and, as the inevitable result, how many individuals
will come to believe that "Gilbert Charles Stuart" was
indeed his name, lies in the realm of pure conjecture and
need not be here considered.
* John Hill Morgan is an eminent authority on early American por-
trait painters and has written many books and articles on the subject,
among them being Early Amei-ican Painters, A Sketch of the Lije of
Gilbert Stuart, Gilbert Stuart and His Pufils and (with Mantle Fielding)
Life Portraits of George Washington and their Reflicas.
34
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
PLATE I
STAMP ISSUED BY THE POST OF-
FICE DAPARTMENT SEPTEMBER
5, 1940, GIVING THE painter's
NAME AS gilbert CHARLES
STUART,
But the facts should be made available somewhere to
those interested and it is with this thought in mind that
the following has been written.
Let us rid ourselves first of a less important but con-
nected matter, i.e., as to the likeness of Stuart which appears
on the stamp: there are several portraits of Stuart and it
would seem that the miniature by Sarah Goodridge was
the one used by the engraver. While it is known that Jane
Stuart preferred this to other painted portraits of her
father, that does not necessarily make it a good likeness,
as the reputation of Sarah Goodridge, among the painters
of miniatures, is not high.
Why the dignified and, in some ways, pathetic bust of
Stuart in old age by J. H. I. Browere, (Redwood Library,
Newport), was not chosen will, perhaps, ever remain a
mystery. Concerning this likeness Jane Stuart wrote:
"This head was a cast made over his face, and was a living
and most beautiful thing." As it is, the engraver of the
stamp — which is of a sickly green color — has succeeded
admirably in making Stuart resemble an anxious rabbit —
a characterization of him, which is at least, somewhat novel.
To return to our main subject, what was Gilbert Stuart's
name? Our inquiry must take the form of rehearsing the
facts which prove that although baptized "Gilbert Stuart,"
WHAT WAS GILBERT STUARt's NAME 35
for a short period early in his life, Stuart himself adopted
"Charles" for his middle name.
The error of the use of the name "Charles" dates back
to our hrst book on American art by William Dunlap/
published by him in 1834. This work has preserved for
us the names of most of our early artists, going back into
the Colonial times and, as such, its importance should not
be underestimated. So much has been written as to the
inaccuracies appearing in Dunlap, that it would seem un-
necessary to state the facts again, except that their repeti-
tion makes clear the origin of his error. At the time Dunlap
wrote, the railroad had not come into being and, although
transportation by water and post road along the Atlantic
seaboard was fairly satisfactory, it was not the habit of
Dunlap or other historians of his day to make journeys
to distant cities for the purpose of searching the records
first-hand. Dunlap accumulated most of his facts by
correspondence. What he did was to write to living
artists for biographical facts and, concerning those dead,
he corresponded with their friends and often requested
information about other artists living or dead in distant
neighborhoods. It inevitably followed from this method
that Dunlap's published statements depend upon the accu-
racy or bias of his correspondents, and as these in turn had
an aversion to the boring task of consulting records, their
contributions often consisted of more or less inaccurate
anecdotes. In the case in point, the opening paragraphs of
Dunlap's biography of Gilbert Stuart read as follows:
"Having arrived at that period which is made
memorable in the history of American arts, by the
commencement of the career in portrait-painting of
one who has yet no rival, we, in accordance with our
plan, give here a biographical notice of Gilbert Charles
Stuart, born in 1754.
^ A History of the Rise and Progress of the Arts of Design in the
United States. William Dunlap. 2 Vols. (New York, 1834.)
36 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
"AsM. [sic, Mr.? ] Stuart dropped the middle name
of 'Charles,' we will give our reasons for restoring it
to him. He was thus baptized, and it marks the attach-
ment of his father to the worthless dynasty so long
adhered to by the Scotch. He bore the three names
until after manhood. Dr. Waterhouse, his friend and
schoolfellow, in a letter before us, dated 27th of May,
1833, says, 'I have cut from one of Stuart's letters
his signature of G. C. Stuart, i.e. Gilbert Charles
Stuart. I have some doubt whether his widow and
children ever knew that he had the middle name of
Charles.' When writing his name on his own portrait,
in 1778, he omitted the 'C The inscription is
*G. Stuart, Picior, se If so pnxit^ A.D. 1778, aetatis
sua 24.*'
Reducing this paragraph to its lowest terms for the pur-
pose of this inquiry, results in this: that Stuart had dropped
his middle name of "Charles" and Dunlap restores it to
him because Dunlap believed that, "He was thus baptized."
Plate 2 is a photostatic copy of Stuart's baptismal record
from the original volume owned by St. Paul's (the old
Narragansett) Church, now on file in the office of the
Town Clerk of North Kingstown, at Wickford, Rhode
Island. This proves without any question that Stuart's
given name was "Gilbert." Had Dunlap himself, visited
St. Paul's Church and examined the record he would not
PLATE 2
THE RECORD OF STUARt's BAPTISM IX ST. PAUL's (tHE OLD
narragansett) church, wickford, R. I., PROVING THAT HIS
GIVEN NAME WAS "GILBERT."
Op. cit. Vol. I, pp. 161-2.
WHAT WAS GILBERT STUART's NAME 2)7
have made the error he did, but he relied on Dr. Water-
house, to his cost. His letter, as published by Dunlap, does
not state that the painter was christened "Gilbert Charles j"
all it proves is that Dr. Waterhouse owned a letter signed
"G. C. Stuart." As the art writers of the forty years follow-
ing Dunlap's book showed the same aversion to examining
records, taking the easier course of copying Dunlap, it has
followed that the name "Charles" was occasionally inserted
into Stuart's name by careless writers. It would be of no
profit to go through the long list of those w^ho copied this
error, but the two most important should be analyzed.
Probably the most unreliable of all authorities on our
early painters is Henry T. Tuckerman's Book of the Artist
(New York, 1867). On page 8 of Volume I, this author
refers to "Gilbert Stuart;" at page 107, he begins his
biography of the artist as follows:
"Charles Gilbert Stuart was born in Narragansett, R. I.
in 1756;" while on page 108, referring to Stuart's mother
he remarks:
"Her son Gilbert was named Gilbert Charles Stuart."
Just which of these names did Tuckerman think he bore,
"Charles Gilbert" or "Gilbert Charles"? We shall never
know!
There are but five facts stated in the first excerpt and
admitting the first two; that Stuart was born, and born in
Rhode Island; of the remaining three, we point out that
Stuart was not born in Narragansett, but in the township of
North Kingstown in the Narragansett Country; that he was
not born in 1756 but on December 3rd, 1755, and nobody
before or since — not even our Post Office Department —
has named him "Charles Gilbert." Three errors in one line
of type is quite an accomplishment even for Tuckerman.
So much for the first error.
Next Jane Stuart published three articles concerning her
distinguished father in Scribner^s Monthly. One, entitled
"The Youth of Gilbert Stuart By His Daughter," Scrib-
ner^s Monthly y March 1877, printed the baptismal record
38 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
(p. 641) showing that his given name was "Gilbert,"
but referring to her grandfather Gilbert Stuart and his
wife she wrote:
"Their son, Gilbert Charles Stuart, artist, was born
on the 3^ of December, 1755."
It thus appears that although Miss Stuart had the record
before her and thus knew that he was christened "Gilbert,"
still she inserted the name "Charles." Her other articles
were "The Stuart Portraits of Washington" and "Anec-
dotes of Gilbert Stuart" which appeared in Scribner^s
Monthly, July 1876 and July 1877, respectively. Nowhere
else, except in the excerpt given above, did she speak of
her father other than as Gilbert Stuart.
If Jane Stuart really thought her father's name was
"Gilbert Charles" why did she not use it in the title to her
articles? Elsewhere the writer has pointed out the un-
reliability of Jane Stuart's dreams as to the gentle birth
of her grandfather and of his having taken any part in the
Rebellion of 1745-46 in favor of Prince Charles Edward,
"The Young Pretender." The conclusion being that could
she link her grandfather with the Royal House of Stuart
and the romance of a lost cause it would add dignity to her
ancestry.^ So in her article on her father, with the proof
staring her in the face, she could not give up her own
romance.
The most important biography of Stuart appearing in
the two generations after Dunlap, was that by George C.
Mason, published in 1879. In the preface to his work the
author writes as follows:
"This biography of Gilbert Stuart was written at
the request of Miss Jane Stuart, the only surviving
member of Mr. Stuart's family. Miss Stuart intended
to prepare it herself, and had published three papers
^ Gilbert Stuart, An Illustrate^/ Descriptive List of His Works, compiled
by Lawrence Park with an account of his life by John Hill Morgan.
Vol. I, pp. 11, 12.
WHAT WAS GILBERT STUARt's NAME 39
on the subject in Scrlbner^s Monthly, but finding
the work too laborious, owing to the demands of her
profession on her time, and the difficulty experienced
in searching out the pictures painted by Stuart (now
widely scattered), it was assigned by her to other
hands j . . ."
When Mason discussed the painter's name he wrote as
follows:
"To the house and mill on the Petaquamscott . . .
he [Gilbert Stuart, Sr.] took his bride, and in that
quiet retreat three children were born to them —
James, who died in infancy, Ann, who became the wife
of Henry Newton, and the mother of Stuart Newton
[the artist], and Gilbert, who was born December 3*^,
1755."
After printing the baptismal record: "April 1 1th, 1756,
being Palm Sunday, Doctor McSparran read prayers,
preached, and baptized a child named Gilbert Stewart, son
of Gilbert Stewart, the snuff -grinder,"*
He added: "In this entry two things are noticeable,
— the spelling of Stuart's name, and the absence of
"Charles" after the Gilbert: he having been known
in early life as Gilbert Charles Stuart. The first may
be easily traced to inadvertency in making the entry j
and the inserting of the Charles in the child's name
was probably an after-thought of his father, who was
as much of a Jacobite as was his friend and country-
man. Dr. Moffatt. The "Charles," Stuart dropped in
after years, and answered only to the name of Gilbert
Stuart.'"
This, we think, presents the solution of the use by the
painter of the name "Charles." Mason was a trained
■* Mason's version differs slightly from the original record, see Plate 2.
" The Life and Works of Gilbert Stuart bv George C. Mason. (New
York, Charles Scribner's Sons. 1879), p. 2.
40 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
writer of history. He knew the superior value of the
original record over friendly gossip or family tradition.
He also had the advantage of the help of Miss Stuart, and
his conclusion that Stuart for some reason used the name
"Charles" for a short period in early manhood is borne out
by such facts as have come to light.
^ ^ ^ ^
What are these facts which would suggest the reason
for Stuart's adoption of "Charles" as a middle name?
There was a considerable colony of Scotsmen living in
Newport in the painter's youth with which the Stuart
family were intimate. We know that the partner of Stuart,
Sr. was Dr. James Moffatt, a Scotsman and also that he it
was who induced Stuart to emigrate from Perth, Scotland,
to Newport. Cosmo Alexander, a Scotch artist, arrived in
Newport somewhere around 1770, and young Stuart be-
came his pupil, and accompanied him on a trip through
the southern colonies and then to Scotland. The only sure
date we have concerning this trip is that of Cosmo Alexan-
der's death which occurred there, late in August, 1 772. We
know that after this event Stuart attempted to support
himself by painting portraits and, returning to Newport
some time in the year 1 773, remained in Rhode Island until
the spring of 1775. His father was then making arrange-
ments to emigrate to Nova Scotia with his family but the
son evidently disliking the move sailed for England, we
are told, alone, with little money and but one letter of
introduction in his pocket, to Alexander Grant, a Scots-
man living in London.
Stuart's boyhood friend, Benjamin Waterhouse, com-
pleting his studies in Edinburgh, arrived in London in the
summer of 1776 and there found Stuart, lodging probably
with one John Palmer in "York-buildings" with but one
picture on his easel, a family group being painted for
Alexander Grant.
There can be no doubt but that at this time Stuart used
the name "Gilbert Charles," an example being the letter
(signed G. C. Stuart) to Benjamin West wherein Stuart
WHAT WAS GILBERT STUARt's NAME 41
begged his help. The letter is not dated, but Stuart wrote:
"I've just arriv'd att the age of 21."
This proves that it was written after December 3rd, 1776,
Stuart's twenty-first birthday.'' Dr. Waterhouse owned an
early letter similarly signed of which he wrote Dunlap.
After entering Benjamin West's studio as a pupil, prob-
ably in the spring of 1777, Stuart exhibited in the Royal
Academy of that year and the catalogue names him, "G. C.
Stuart 27 Villers Street, Strand." Stuart exhibited in the
Royal Academy in 1779, wherein he is named "G. Stuart
at Mr. West's, Newman Street." The catalogue of the
Incorporated Society of Artists of 1783 lists him as "Gil-
bert Charles." His own self-portrait in the Redwood
Library, Newport, is signed "G. Stuart, Picfor, se ipso
■p'mxit, A.D. 177 8 y aetatts sua 24."
An important reference to Stuart's use of the name
"Charles" can be deduced from a letter of Sir John Dick
addressed to Sir Alexander Dick. The story is told in
Cwiosities of a Scots Charter Chest by the Hon. Mrs.
Athol Forbes, (pp. 308, 316),' but it is enough here to say
that Sir John had had his portrait painted for the family
home Prestonfield, Scotland and wrote Sir Alexander Dick
on December 14, 1783 saying that,
"The Painter's Name is Charles Stuart, an Ameri-
can, was some time at Edinburgh, where he did several
Pictures, since that he has studied under M*" West
and is I think one of the best Portrait Painters here
[London]."
That Stuart liked the name appears from the fact that he
christened his son Charles Gilbert. From this it would
appear that Gilbert Stuart, Scotch by ancestry, associating
** This letter is reproduced in facsimile in the writer's biography of
Stuart contained in Gilbert Stuart compiled by Lawrence Park Vol. I,
p. 29.
' This letter is discussed in Gilbert Stuart and His Pupils by John Hill
Morgan. (New York Historical Society, 1939), pp. 12, 13.
42 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
with Scotch people in Newport, Edinburgh and in London,
for a time inserted the name "Charles" between his given
and his family name, probably in order to curry favor with
his friends and patrons.
Stuart, leaving London in the fall of 1787, resided in
Dublin, Ireland, for the next five years. Returning to his
native land either in the fall of 1792 or early in the year
of 1 793, he remained here until his death in Boston in 1828.
The earliest use of the name "Charles" — and then only
of the initials "G. C." — which the writer has found, is
Stuart's letter to Benjamin West, probably written some-
time in December of 1776, and the latest appears in the
letter of Sir John Dick dated December 14, 1783. No use
of the name of "Charles" in Ireland or in this country has
been found. He was christened "Gilbert," he used that
name for sixty years of his life, the record of his burial,
and the tablet which marks his grave so name him and his
name was Gilbert Stuart.
Those in the Post Office Department responsible for the
name on the stamp might be excused for making this error
had not the matter been called to their attention. Seeing
in the New York Herald Tribune ^ July 19, 1939, the
announcement of the proposed issue of stamps, and that
one was to be entitled "Gilbert Charles Stuart," the writer
addressed the Honorable James A. Farley calling his atten-
tion to Gilbert Stuart's baptismal record and offering to
send him a list of the later biographies of Stuart, none of
which called him "Gilbert Charles." Under date of July
28, 1939 an answer was received from Mr. Ramsey S.
Black, 3rd Assistant Post Master General, stating, among
other things, that my views would be given "appropriate
consideration in the further development of this special
stamp series."
What were the reasons, if any, which determined the
Post Office Department to choose a name which was not
Stuart's, are unknown.
i(i ^ ^ ifi
Another controversy, equally as irritating to scholars
WHAT WAS GILBERT STUARt's NAME 43
and philatelists, arose as to the Post Office from which the
covers bearing the first day issue of the Stuart stamp should
be canceled.
The writer admits that he is not learned in the lore of
philately but believe that there is much desire among
collectors and dealers in stamps to obtain these first day
covers. While there can be no compelling rule other than
good taste governing the Department's choice, it naturally
would be the office in the town of Stuart's birth.
Stuart was born in the township of North Kingstown,
Kings — now Washington — County, Rhode Island, but
again some careless writers have asserted that he was born
in "Narragansett" without an explanation of its meaning
in Stuart's day. The present writer had occasion to ex-
amine this claim, when preparing the article on Stuart for
the Dictionary of American Biography, Vol. XVIII and his
conclusion was as follows:
"The often repeated statement that he (Stuart)
was born in Narragansett is incorrect without the ex-
planation that "Narragansett" at that time was merely
a popular name for "the Narragansett Country," the
vague territory west of Narragansett Bay and, after
1677, south of East Greenwich."
Jane Stuart wrote:
"The house in which Gilbert Stuart was born is
still standing in North Kingston [sic], a quaint, gable
roofed old house. "^
This house still stands: it is now and was on December 3,
1755 when Stuart was born in the township of North Kings-
town in the Narragansett Country. The township of Narra-
gansett was carved out of the township of South Kingstown
in 1901.
When, therefore, the Post Office Department proposed
to cancel the covers of the first day stamps from the Post
«"The Youth of Gilbert Stuart," Scribner's Monthly. March 1877
p. 641.
44 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Office in the town of Narragansett, formerly Narragansett
Pier, many protests were made even from so high an official
as the Governor of the State of Rhode Island, but to no
avail.
Granted that the whole matter is of little importance —
only interesting a few dusty scholars — still the total of the
first day's sale of the Stuart stamp alone from the Narra-
gansett Post Office is given at $4,345.21 indicating a sale
of 434,521.
While no fiat of the Post Office Department can change
Stuart's name nor can the sale of stamps at the Narragan-
sett Post Office — a town Stuart never heard of and which
did not exist until one hundred forty-six years after his
birth and over six miles away — cause him to be born there.
Still, from these careless and rather stupid blunders, many
will believe that Stuart's given name was "Gilbert Charles"
and that he was born in the present town of Narragansett,
Viewing the issuance of this stamp as a whole, we do not
think it is an episode of which the Department can take
much just pride.
Narragansett
William Davis Miller
The following note is an attempt to clarify the use of the
term Narragansett, so confusing to many because of its
seeming vagaries, both during the colonial period and the
present day.
When, in the first half of the seventeenth century, the
English penetrated into the lands of the Narragansett
Indians, it was found that, while that tribe held jurisdiction
over the greater part of the later Colony of Rhode Island,
their main strength lay in the southern portion, and there-
fore this southern portion of the colony quite naturally
became known as the Narragansett Country or, simply,
Narragansett. The earliest bounds may be said to have
been Warwick on the north and the Pawcatuck River on
NARRAGANSETT 45
the south. In 1654, due to the bitter struggle for these
lands by neighboring colonies, the King's Commissioners
designated this territory as the King's Province. However,
the older name of the "Narragansett Country" was still
maintained as is shown in contemporary acts of the sover-
eigns of England which designate the Colony as "The
Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, and
the Narragansett Country or King's Province."
In the Narragansett Country, in the year 1669, the
southern portion was set off as the township of Westerly
and five years later the northern portion was established
as the township of Kingstown. In 1677, the township of
East Greenwich came into being on the north and by force
extended its boundaries southward into the township of
North Kingstown. Thereafter the southern bound of East
Greenwich was considered the northern bound of the Nar-
ragansett Country.
In 1722, the township of Kingstown was divided into
two townships — North and South Kingstown and subse-
quently the other townships in the King's Province, later
King's County, were taken from Westerly, North Kings-
town and South Kingstown. However, the whole territory
continued to be known as the Narragansett Country or
Narragansett.
Shortly after the middle of the eighteenth century one
John Robinson built a pier, to facilitate the loading of ships,
to the southward of the beach which lies southwest of the
mouth of Pettaquamscutt or Narrow River. Thomas R.
Hazard in his Recollections of Olden Times speaks of this
as the "old Narragansett Pier." It was at this spot that the
well known summer resort sprang up many years later,
and it was from the pier built by John Robinson that it
took its name. This it retained, save for a lapse during the
year of 1867 when the Post Office Department christened
it, from March to May, "Atlantic Pier," and from May
to September, "Atlantic." On January 1, 1925 the same
authority again asserted its prerogative by dropping the
46 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
word "Pier" and ordered that it be known, for postal pur-
poses, simply as "Narragansett." This, however, was not
the first post office in the Narragansett Country to bear
that name. In the year 1848 in the little settlement at the
old South Ferry, on the shore of the West Passage of
Narragansett Bay, a post office was established which was
named "Narragansett," which name it bore until the office
was discontinued in 1892.
This governmental decree added more confusion to that
which already existed. In 1901, the township of Narra-
gansett had been carved out of the township of South
Kingstown. Therefore, to use present day and colonial
terminology, the town of Narragansett, was situated in the
township of Narragansett, in Narragansett or the Narra-
gansett Country.
So when it is recorded that a person was born, christened,
lived and died in Narragansett, one must perforce examine
the date of the incident referred to. For example , Gilbert
Stuart was born in Narragansett, or the Narragansett Coun-
try. He was not born in the present town of Narragansett,
he was not born in the present township of Narragansett,
nor was he christened nor did he live or die in these newly
created namesakes.
Gilbert Stuart was born at his father's snuff mill in the
township of North Kingstown in Narragansett (or the
Narragansett Country). He was not born in a hamlet,
village or town. His father's mill was in the country-side
over four miles from the village of Wickford, and two and
a half miles from Saunderstown, which did not exist in
his day, and over six miles from the present town of Narra-
gansett. The church in which he was baptized was then
situated but two and a half miles to the west of his father's
mill.
Gilbert Stuart was born in 1 755 in the township of North
Kingstown in the then Narragansett or Narragansett Coun-
try, or King's County, in the Colony of Rhode Island. What
that locality is called today is, historically, beside the point.
A COLONIAL MERCHANT TO HIS SON 47
A Colonial Merchant to his Son
From the unpublished letters of John Brown
to his Son James (1782-83).
Edited by Frank Hail Brown*
A brief account of the circumstances and the times at the
close of the War for Independence is desirable for the better
understanding of this one-sided correspondence, for unfor-
tunately none of the son's letters survive.
Negotiations for peace were progressing between the
United States and Great Britain, but the war was still being
waged on land and sea. The British fleet was sweeping the
seas and blockading the ports, while in the Southlands a
more or less desultory warfare continued. French troops
were quartered on the people of Providence, Newport and
Boston j American privateers swarmed the Atlantic even
into the British channel. Merchants, though risking the
loss of an occasional vessel through capture by the enemy,
held lively commerce with the West Indies, France, Hol-
land and the ports of countries favorable to the American
cause.
John Brown, at the age' of forty-six, was taking full
advantage of the situation and thereby acquiring immense
gains from commerce and privateering, in spite of occa-
sional heavy losses. These profits he put into land as the
safest investment for the times, buying substantial hold-
ing in Providence, Newport, Bristol, Warwick, both North
and South Kingstown and Prudence Island.
In 1760 John Brown^ married Sarah Smith, a descend-
*A condensation of a paper read before the Society, February 13,1 940.
\Tohn Brown (1736-1803), one of the "Four Brothers"^-Nicholas,
Joseph, John and Moses — whose firm, Nicholas Brown & Co., erected
(1771-72) the original building at Rhode Island College, now University
Hall, Brown University. John Brown was Treasurer of the College
(1775-1803).
48 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
ant of John Smith, the Miller.' There were four children,
the only son, James,^' who was just twenty-one; Abby,'*
referred to as "Nabbey," aged sixteen j Sally,'' aged ninej
and Alice," often called "Elce," aged five.
From John Brown's letters it is fair to assume that
James, who had graduated from Harvard (1780) and
had probably been in his father's counting-house for about
a year, was the constant recipient of advice, admonition and
moral precept during all of his college life and at home,
until like a balky horse he set back in the breeching and
- John Smith the Miller, one of the original settlers of Providence.
^ James Brown (1761-1834), "A member of Providence College of the
standing of Sophomore," according to the records of the President, Pro-
fessors and Tutors Book of Harvard College, was admitted as a Sophomore
on August 29, 1777, aged 1 5 years 1 1 months. He received his A.B. with
the class of 1780 and his A.M. in course in 1783. Among his classmates
were David Leonard Barnes of Scituate, Massachusetts, later U. S. Dis-
trict (R. I.) Judge (1801-12), and John Crane, A.M. (Hon.) Brown
1792; D.D. 1803, Congregational Pastor, Northbridge, Mass. (1783-
1836).
James Brown was a member of the Board of Fellows, Brown University
(1789-1834). He received the degree A.M. (Hon.) from Dartmouth
1791 and from Brown 1792.
He never married. "Enjoying an ample patrimony, and having no taste
for active pursuits, he did not enter a business life or seek public distinction.
He was a gentleman of the old school, upright and pure minded in all
the relations of private life." The Chad Browne Memorial (Brooklyn,
1888), 37.
* Evidently in a previous letter James had written favourably of his
friend John Francis, for in his letter to James, December 29, 1782,
John Brown says: "If Mr. Francis comes this way he shall receive every
favourable notice from me. If I can judge from his parents and connec-
tions he must be a deserving young Gentleman."
John Francis came to Providence and married Abby Brown (1766-
1821) on January 1, 1788; their son John Brown Francis (1791-1864)
was Governor of Rhode Island (1833-38).
^ Sarah Brown (1773-1846), married July 2, 1801 to Charles Fred-
erick Herreshoff, a native of Minden, Prussia, then living in New York
City.
® Alice Brown (1777-1823), married to John Brown Mason.
A COLONIAL MERCHANT TO HIS SON 49
refused to move in spite of the verbal lashings of his father.
So his father determined to handle his son as he would
a balky horse by distracting his mind, sent James on a
"tower," in the Fall of 1782, to see new faces and strange
places.
But even far from home James seems to have been
restless under his father's admonition, kindly and helpful
though it was intended to be.
The first letter is addressed to
Mr. James Brown
Now in Philadelphia
Providence October 15, 1782
Dr Son
Yours from Prince Town [Princeton] by Mr Carl
Soderstrom of Gottenburgh [Sweden] was handed
me yesterday by that polite Gentleman; he went
directly on to Boston —
Your mar & Sisters with me are happy to Observe
you are well so Far on your Journey [.] How much
more than we do, ought we to Bless that Divine
Providence who has so repeatedly and Still Con-
tinues Showering on my Family his Bountifull Bless-
ings. . . .
Alltho I mentioned to you that I would not exceed
400 or 500 Dolrs for a span of Horses yet never-
theless if you should see a span that are Eligent as
well as Possessed with Every other Good Quality
and you think are worth more, you are at your Lib-
erty to use your own Prudence in the purchase ....
If you should Incline to Form any Lasting
Connection with a Young Lady Either at Phil
[adelphia] or elseware, or whenever this Inclination
may happen, I have to Begg Beceash and Intreat,
that it be in the best Family and that she be not
only Possessed with a Good Education but that her
50 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Natturell Disposition and Manners Joined with her
other Vertuous Qualifications cannot Fail to make
her Perfectly Agreeable to your Parents Sisters &
Friends, and in point of Fortin [fortune] if she Pos-
sesses or if her Parents are Liveing and will settle on
her Twenty Thousand Pounds Philadela Currency
I will Immediately Double the amount on my Son
— but above all let the Lady be of a Vertuous
Carrector and an agreeable Disposition a Calm and
Unruffled Temper tho Spritly and Agreeable, Wish-
ing you may find such a Carrector with the Addition
of Every thing else which is most agreeable to
Yourself, in the Course of a Few Years, I subscribe
myself your Parent
John Brown
^C ^p ^* *I» *(*
Sunday
Providence November 3, 1782
Dr Son
My Last was by the Last Post since which I have
not received any of yours. ... I then mentioned that
I was sorry you should wait a moment for any advice
or Directions from me Respecting the finishing the
Charriot but that you had Given such Directions as
you thought best both in point of its being Durable
Convenient or Eligant, or to this Effect, I also Left
it intirely to your Judgement Respecting the pur-
chase of a pr. Horse Even if the Price Exceeded
what I mentioned when you left me. . . .
I have purchased the PassTuxet Farm of 670
Acres at 20 Dolers Cash per Acre [.] The near
part of the Farm 7 miles from this Town. ... its
Agreed by all to be a Good Farm Natuerally but
now much out of Repair [,] it wants about Fifteen
Thousand of Railes to make the Necessary Fencing
on it to be Improved to Advantage.
A COLONIAL MERCHANT TO HIS SON 51
The Farm is Exceedingly well watered has a
Sufficiency of wood for its own Consumtion it is
A Prittey Ride from Town, it has about 500 Acres
of Good Grain Land which may be Inriched from
the Manure [sea weed] which Annually Drives on
its Shores being at Least Three Miles Distance
[long] on the Salt Water I mean to [from] the
Head of the Cove Northard of Gaspey or Namquid
point to the Head of the Cove to the Westward or
within Greens Island, and is nearly one mile on
the Plesent and Delightfull Rhode [now Warwick
Avenue] from this to Warwick [north line],' it may
cut 30 or 40 tons Salt Hay annually it is remarkable
for makeing the best of fatt beef. . . .
After commenting on his son James' "Mallincoley
Discription of my old & Worthy Friends Misfortins in
the Crual Catastofray of his Buildings" near Philadelphia,
John Brown asks why the "Supreme Being" should favor
him with "so many blessings over what is granted to
All most any other Individuell of this or the Nabouring
States, I have helth and Strength, my Children are not
Deformed nor Devoid of Reason, I have Every Neces-
sary of Life beside an Abundance to Leave to Each or my
Children, this being the case How Much Thanks and
Adoration is Due from me to that BountifuU hand Who
has so Libberally Bestowed all those Blessings. ..."
stf sts sts ^tc lie
Providence November 11th 1782
Dr Son
Our House, wharf, stable and Lott is Jock full of
^ John Brown's account tallies closely with the painstaking description
of the "Spring Green Farm" prepared (19+0) by Harrison S. Taft, who
has been making an extensive study of Proprietor's ownership of lands
within the confines of the January (1642-43) Warwick purchase and of
subsequent ownership history of some of the outstanding colonial farms
therein.
52 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
French men, Horses, Waggins &c &c. Every Gentle-
man in town takes the same officers as they did on
their march westward last summer.^ They first told
us it would be only 3 or 4 days but the lutenant of
the armey has been at our house already 6 or 7 days
and I see no sighne of his Departure, Gen. Rocham-
beau at Gov. Bowens came the Day before yesterday
& Dromeny at Brother Jos. B's yesterday. . . .
I hear Genl. Rochambeau gives a Ball tomorrow
or next Day Nite, this Nabbey'^ will miss off. It
appears to me from your letter and from the fue
words I had with Mr. Maning" on the Subject you
are not Determined on the Time of Return, you say it
Depends on what you hear from Home, I am Cau-
tious Even in advising I mean not to Direct, but this
much I will say, if it is not more agreeable to you to
spend the winter at Philade than at Home, it will
be much more agreeable to Your Parents & Sisters
that you come home before the winter setts in.
For my own part I wish you to do that which will
be most for your Good [,] an Acquaintance with
mankind & with more parts of the World than
One [,] is necessary to inable a man to Cut a Figuer
in Life, and every man is born for some purpose or
other, I have an anxious Desire that you should
be a usefull member of Society in some sphere or
other [,] as you do not incline to that of a Merchant
so much as to spend your time in that Branch, the
Law nor Phisich Does not Ingroose your attention.
8
Rochambeau marched west across Connecticut to White Plains, N. Y.,
where he made a junction with Washington, July 6, 1781. This move-
ment was the beginning of the campaign which led to the surrender of
Yorktown, October 17, 1781. Morison and Commager, The Growth of
the American Refublic (New York, 1937), I, 107.
^ James' sister Abby.
^^ Presumably James Manning (1783-91), a founder and First Presi-
dent (1764-91) of Rhode Island College (Brown University) and an
intimate of John Brown.
A COLONIAL MERCHANT TO HIS SON io
The Statesman therefore is what I wish you to be and
the sooner you begin your attention to it the better
you'l please me and all your relations. You have an
Education and may probably have a considerable
Fortin if Heaven doeth not lift her Rod against us.
Why should you not give a part of your time to the
Publick, its a Duty the man of welth and abillitys
owes his Fellow men [.] I wish you to take a seat
in our Genl. Assembly in my Place Next Spring,
provided you do not cross the Atlantic. You must
not suffer yourself to be Hortey, high minded nor so
proud as to look Down on those of a Smaller kind of
Mortalls but to learn so much of the Courtyer as
to please the poore as well as the Rich, Mr. Howall
is a good Exampler, so is Doctr. Arnold^^ they are
both Sencible and prudent, tho they Dont Show off
in that Eligent Dress & Lite behavior as some of that
August Boddy Congress, they are substantial Mem-
bers of the Community [,] you may gain Knolage
as Necessarv of them, as vou Can of those who make
a Very Different Appearance. Dont Mistake me I
Dont mean by this that an Acquaintance with Men
of a Different Dress & Address is unnecessary, No[,]
Far from it, I wish you to be Acquainted with Every
kind of Vertuous Men, as well the men of fashon as
" David Howell (1747-1824), A.B. College of New Jersey (Prince-
ton) 1766. His fellow student James Manning invited him to Rhode
Island College, where he taught natural philosophy and mathematics,
French, German and Hebrew. As a member of the Continental Congress
(1782-85) he was a leader in Rhode Island's fight against the 59c Impost
levied by Congress.
Jonathan Arnold (1741-1793) is said to be the author of the statute
repealing the oath of allegiance to England (May 4, 1776). When a dele-
gate to the Continental Congress (1782-84), he persistently objected to
laying of an impost.
John Brown's expressed admiration for these men is an indication of
the character of their support. Brown was a member of the House of
Representatives which rejected the Impost. Ms. Letter, John Brown,
November 3, 1782, to James Brown in possession of Frank Hail Brown.
54 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
the man of figueres or of Business, both Publick &
Privit and that you abstain from the bad habbits &
Customs & Cleave to that which appears to you, after
gaining more experience, to be the most Beneficial to
your Friends & the Community at large.
I ad no more at present only that I am Your
Affectionate Parent
John Brown
P. S. I have not time to Read what I have wrote,
your Descriptions are pleasing. Continue them, Even
more Lengthy, if convenient, what number of
Houses & Soules is the present Estimate of Philade,
how many Vessills are built there [,] how large [>]
what price per ton Does a Good Ship Cost. I mean
the Hulls including Iron Work or not, but exclusive
[of rigging] & sails.
ijj ^ ^ ^ ^
Providence December 24 1782
Dr Son
Yours of the 3d 6th and 7th inst are all to hand
by which we are Exceedingly happey to Obsearve
your helth and Pleasures that is I mean that you
are in Generall pleased with your tower.
I feel Anxious Least what I wrote you on your
Asking me about buying a Fayiton which you had
not Reed, When you wrote the letter now before
me — Should Cause Some uneasy Sencations in Your
Mind which I shall be very Sorry for, but tho I did
not advise your buying the Fayiton, as I thought we
had Cariges anough to pay the new Taxes on viz 5£
Money per year on the Coach £5 per year on the
Charriott & £3 12s on the Fayiton & I think 4s on
the Shayes Allredy Established in the Massachusetts
and is about being Done here or Sumthing Simmuler
over and above the old mode of their being Taxed
for their Respective Value, but as you have got It, I
A COLONIAL MERCHANT TO HIS SON 55
wish you not to make Yourself uneesy, but // the Tax
on the Cariges takes place, I could wish to Git Rid of
all our Cariges but the Shay & Fayiton, or Charriot,
but in this case who will buy [?] I ad no more on
this Subject. . . .
On the whole Not withstanding all the Letters
that has passed I leave it wholley to you weither to
Come Home this Winter or to Stay till Spring, Your
Friends this way will all be glad to see you but if its
more Agreeable to your Inclinations to Remain at
Philad I hope youl Learn Two Things viz The
French Languige and to Dance
The Post going Cant Ad only that I am
Your Parent
John Brown
P. S. pray allways & at all times have it in your
mind that you are my only Son & Consequently that
Everything you may do in Respect to your Good or
bad Carnctor Effects me Very Deep. . . .
^f ^1^ x^ ^i^ ^^
*^ ^^ ^n >^ ^^
Providence Feby 18th 1783
Dr Son ....
Your Marr & Sister from what they have heard,
are Considerable uneasy for Fear you have Fixed
your Affections on a Lady Considerably older than
yourself, as for my Own part I cannot suppose you so
Imprudent, only Consider the Case of Your Uncle
BilP" [ — ] a Lady 4 or 5 Years older than Yourself
will probably be Wurn out & Bowed Down & as
Round Backt as a Monkey by the time you are Mid-
dle Aged and perhaps in the prime of Life, Depend
■'-William Smith, b. 1726, older brother of Sarah (Smith) Brown,
married Abigail (Dexter) Smith, b. 1715, widow of his cousin William
Smith. Thus it would appear that "Uncle Bill's" wife was eleven years
older than he.
56 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
upon it I will never give my Consent for you to
Marry any Lady in the Universe that is Older than
Yourself, but any years Under, from One to Ten
years, I shall not be Difficult [.] The Miss V may
be an excessive Agreeable and Completly Accom-
plished Lady — her being Severil Years over your
age, is a sufficient Objection with me — I Flatter my
self their are but fue Ladys within the United States
but that your personal Family Fortin [fortune] Edu-
cation and polite Address will Gain You Admittance
to their perticuler Acquaintance, which will Conse-
quently give you a much Graiter Opportunity of
Choice than you can have had during your Short
Stay at Philadelphia. . . .
Your Sister Salley in her Last Desires in a partic-
uler Manner to be Remembered to you in my Next,
Perfect Helth is yet most Gratiously Bestowed on our
Whole Famely, all your Sisters Longs to Imbrace
You
I am Your Affectionate Parent
John Brown
*^M ^^ ^^ ^^
>^ ^^ ^^ ^^
Evidently James was still touchy about accepting in-
structions from his father who writes after receiving his
son's letter of February 21 from Baltimore: "[I] am very
sorry that anything I may have mentioned in aney of my
letters should have given you aney uneasy senceations. I do
wish you to appear as a Gentleman possessed of Vertue
Honour and Honestty but it Doeth not follow from
thence that when you go from home for a Tower of 3 mo.
you should continue 6 or 7 mo. As to the Fayiton as you
bot it [,] I do not wish to make you appear unstable or
wimsicull as sum might constru your conduct if you sold
it. Therefore if you can bring both that & the Chariot
home with the four horses you'l do it. . . . "
*
A COLONIAL MERCHANT TO HIS SON 57
Providence March 31, 1783
Dr Son
After Congrattulateing you on the Happy Event
of a Genl Peace, I am to aknowledge the Receipt of
your Two Letters of the 12th and 13th insta. . . .
You will now have an opportunity to see New York
on your return.
Your Marr Sister Nabbey and Alice with Polley
Stillman is at Poppersquash, I wish I could think of
a Better name which might be applicable to the
Place, I have thought of one for the PassTuxet Farm
on which we enter possession tomorrow and call it
Spying Green. Its applicable in every sense [:] first
its been in the name of the Green Family 100 years
and secondly its very Springy and Consequently early
in the Spring is Green, and thirdly in the Spring we
Entered on the Green Farm. . . .
Adieu
Book Review
The Irrepressible Democrat: Roger Williams
By Samuel Hugh Brockunier
(New York; The Ronald Press Company, 1940. Pp. XII, 30 5. $+.00)
The Irrepressible Detuocrat, Roger Williams, by Samuel Hugh Brock-
unier, is a well-organized book in which the activities of the founder
of Rhode Island are set forth by a writer who mastered his material and
its implications before beginning the task of composition. Thanks to that
fact we have a biography in which the core of the matter is placed before
us in a straightforward, orderly, uncluttered narrative, an admirable
synthesis of a body of material available for generations and studied by
many persons from many points of view.
Mr. Brockunier's emphasis has been upon the deeds of Roger Williams
rather than upon his words, upon Williams the practical administrator
struggling to keep alive that "humble experiment in a more generous
fellowship" which represented his "distillation of the best in the great
English revolutionary movement." Instead of transferring to his pages
long and cumbersome quotations from The Bloudy Tenent and other
works, the author has assimilated the social and political theories pro-
58 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
pounded in Williams's writings and shown them to us in practical opera-
tion. He has avoided an extended analysis of religious ideas, but has
made it clear that the political ideal which Williams sought to bring into
being had its origin and its strength in that respect for the dignity of the
human personality from which arose also his doctrine of liberty of
conscience.
There emerges from Mr. Brockunier's study the picture of the Provi-
dence Plantations as the most fortuitous of the American colonies, a
community experiencing both the advantages and disadvantages of a
hastily chosen refuge established with the minimum of previous planning
as to land tenure, or legislative and judicial functions. It had no charter,
no constitution, no legal standing, and because it must build a state from
the ground up, its early history is of extraordinary interest. The hero
of that drama, Mr. Brockunier makes clear once more, was Roger Wil-
liams the man of tolerance, not Samuel Gorton the leveller, or William
Harris, the representative of a policy of enlightened self-interest. The
problems that shook and almost disrupted that infant state become com-
prehensible to Mr. Brockunier's readers because the author himself has
so well understood them.
Mr. Brockunier has been drawn to the study of Williams by his admira-
tion of him as the democrat in action. He feels, as most of us do, that his
insistence upon an equitable distribution of the free lands, his simplifica-
tion of governmental processes, and his erection of religious toleration
to the dignity of a principle of government were noble contributions to
practical American politics, and he applauds, as all of us must, the absence
of all thought of self-aggrandizement in his plans and actions. He sees
Williams as one who "conceived of a reconciliation of property and democ-
racy through a wide distribution of wealth and continuous adjustment of
political functions to the great end of 'the commonweale'." There are
many minor points within this generalized statement upon which one
conceivably may differ from Mr. Brockunier, but there can be no quarrel
with his interpretation of the purpose and achievement of Williams as
summarized in his admirable concluding chapter.
Though I am in agreement with Mr. Brockunier's evaluation of Wil-
liams's achievement and his interpretation of his actions, I find myself,
in reading, continuously at odds with him as to their motivation. Although
he never says directly that Williams was moved to his equalitarian policies
by resentment against the upper ranks of society, the string of class feeling
is so persistently plucked throughout the book that one is justified in the
belief that such an inference is intended. He tells us that there was a great
deal of snobbishness at Cambridge when Williams was there as a student
and that no doubt his "spirit rankled inwardly when he found himself
patronized or openly snubbed." No doubt it did. It is the common lot of
all men — rich and poor, emperor and horse-holder — to encounter inso-
THE IRREPRESSIBLE DEMOCRAT 59
lence here and there as thev go through life. Actually Williams's position
at Cambridge was good. His mother was of the lesser gentry by birth and
upbringing, his father was a member of a London merchant guild, his
patron was the foremost lawyer of the times, and his rank on the college
rolls was that of pensioner. There is absolutely no reason to suppose that
at college or elsewhere he was snubbed oftener or more cruelly than is
the common lot. When he left Cambridge as a young minister in the
Church of England, he went into the house of Sir William Masham, where
he came in touch with many members of the great Puritan families and
won their approval and friendship. In later years it was his friendship
with Cromwell, Sir Henry Vane, and others of high Parliamentary posi-
tion which made him an effective agent for Rhode Island when charters
were to be obtained and enemies to be refuted. It is true that Lady Joan
Barrington, mother of Lady Masham, denied him the hand in marriage
of her niece and ward, but that may well have been because of his
financial insecurity and his eccentric refusal to settle down to a good
living rather than because of dissatisfaction with his birth and position.
That disagreement was soon made up, and years later Williams inscribed
a copy of his Key to Lady Judith Barrington, daughter-in-law of Lady
Joan, in words of respect and affection. Mr. Brockunier suggests that this
contretemps with regard to the proposal, which, by the way, had been
made with the consent and approval of Sir William and Lady Masham,
may have had influence in turning Williams towards democratic courses,
but I believe he has failed in this instance to study the order of events
in the young man's life. It is perfectly obvious that when, a few weeks
later, he told Cotton and Hooker that, on scriptural grounds, he could
no longer join with them in the use of the Book of Common Prayer, he
was announcing a conclusion reached through many months, years even,
of reflection upon the ecclesiastical system of which he was a part. That
decision was his first and most important step upon the path he thence-
forth followed.
Williams, it seems to me, was the champion of mankind rather than
of the common man. I like to think that this championship came into
being from a warm benevolence of nature rather than from resentment
against the class which protected him in his youth and with which he
voluntarily associated himself on his visits to England and in his eager
correspondence in this country with the Winthrops. I like my heroes to
be of heroic mould; I want my liberals to be moved to action by the large
qualities of love and reason rather than by prejudice and resentment. I
believe that Roger Williams was one of those so moved, and that to suggest
spleen and injured vanity as the source of his passion for the creation of a
better world is to belittle him without warrant.
Lawrence C. Wroth
John Carter Brown Library
60 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Thomas Tefft, Progressive Rhode Islander
Barbara Wriston
As the eighteenth century saw the coalition of the Amer-
ican colonies into one country so the nineteenth saw the
new country reaching out for power, trade expansion, and
new cultural relations,
Thomas Alexander Tefft lived during the nineteenth
century and represented these changes. He was born in
Richmond, Rhode Island in 1826. Henry Barnard, Com-
missioner of Education for Rhode Island persuaded him
to come to Providence and enter Brown, with the class of
1851. In college Tefft was described as "slender . . . and
of medium height," with an oval face, fair complexion
and light brown hair. "His manner was marked by a
certain degree of independence, and his . . . bearing was
of one who had made up his mind to succeed in whatever
he undertook."
Employed by the Providence architectural and con-
struction firm of Tallman and Bucklin,^ during his college
career, he was encouraged to submit his own designs. The
variety of Tefft's styles, illustrates how the artists were
reaching out to many cultures for inspiration.
Besides being a well known architect, he was also one
of the most enthusiastic proponents of universal currency.
^ William Tallman, a builder and dealer in lumber founded a partner-
ship in 1822 with James C. Bucklin, a leading exponent of the Greek
revival in Rhode Island. Bucklin designed the Westminster side of the
Arcade (1828), Manning Hall, Brown University (1833), and the
Cabinet of the Rhode Island Historical Society (1 844).
After Tefft had opened an office for himself, Tallman and Bucklin
continued to construct the buildings he designed.
- Among the buildings Tefft designed were the Union Passenger Depot
(1848, no longer standing), the Central Congregational Church (1852,
now Memorial Hall), and the old Central Baptist Church (1857, demol-
ished). For details on Tefft's architecture see Henry Russell Hitchcock,
Rhode Island Architecture, and also Volume 28, No. 2 of the Bulletin
of the Museum of Art, Rhode Island School of Design, The Architecture
of Thoynas Tefft, by Barbara Wriston.
THOMAS TEFFT, PROGRESSIVE RHODE ISLANDER 61
On a trip to Europe, Tefft made outstanding contributions.
His paper read before a group of interested men in Liver-
pool, gained him a hearing from the leading British econ-
omists and opened the columns of the English press to his
articles. This paper entitled Universal Currency on the
Decimal Sy stein, (1858), was translated into several for-
eign languages and attracted wide attention. Had he lived
his influence might have been more effective, but today
only his careful notebooks, preserved in the Rhode Island
Historical Society, remain as testimony of his interest.
Industrial art education had a share in his trip to Europe
for Barnard made him Commissioner of Industrial Art
Education from Rhode Island to Europe in 1856. In his
last letter, written from Geneva, he said:
"I well know that mv future is to be one of labor. I mean that
our country shall enjoy facilities in art education which no
country possesses, and before this can be accomplished much
must be done."
Tefft's death in Florence in 1859, prevented completion
of his elaborate report; hence the program was dropped
in Rhode Island, allowing Massachusetts to lead the way
in that field.
Thomas Tefft was typical of his times — deeply in-
fluenced by Europe, but confident in the future of Amer-
ica; feeling that it should find its own forms of expression.
To use his own words:
"In building our houses ... let us think for ourselves . . .
In Switzerland and Germany the cottage or farm building
. . . appear as if it was worked out to suit its particular place,
therefore each is different and full of interest."
He wanted to make the United States a decisive influence
in art and economics. This feeling is well expressed by
what Professor George W. Greene said of him: "Progress
was an essential element of his intellectual nature . . .
eager for improvement, and still confident that it was
within his reach." It was his belief that we could learn from
the past but that we should adapt the old to the new,
rather than build slavish imitations of historical build-
ings without meaning for nineteenth century society.
62 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Rhode Island Historical Society
Treasurer's Report
INCOME ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1940
Balance December 31, 1939 $713.77
Receipts
Annual Dues 2,384.88*
Dividends and Interest 3,111.57
Rental of Rooms 100.00
State Appropriation 1 ,625.00
$7,935.22
Expenditures
Binding $30.08
Books 181.57
Electric Light and Gas 79.5 3
Lectures 126.97
Expense 1 16.64
Grounds and Building 43.97
Heating 700.00
Newspaper 1.51
Publications 476.23
Salaries 4,890.00
Supplies 3 36.07
Telephone 68.46
Water 8.00
$7,059.03
Balance December 31,1 940 876. 1 9
$7,935.22
*79 Members paid dues in 1940 for 1941, $395.00
treasurer's report 63
STATEMENT OF CONDITION, DECEMBER 31, 1940
Assets
Grounds and Building $25,000.00
Bonds
$3,000. Commonwealth Edison 3>^s, 1968 $3,274.46
3,000. Consol. Gas Co. of N. Y. 3>^s, 1946 3,131.25
3,000. Continental Oil of Del. 2^s, 1948 3,263.21
4,000. Dominionof Gov. of Canada, 5s, 1952 4,003.91
1,000. Duquesne'Lt.Co.,lstMtge.,3>4s,1965 1,069.76
2,000. Narra. Elec.Co., 1st Mtge.,3>^s, 1966 2,250.36
500. N. Y. Cen. Railroad Co., 334s, 1952 509.39
2,000. N.Y.St'mCorp.lst Mtge., 3i^s, 1963 2,209.19
3,000. Pacific Gas and Electric 3^s, 1961 3,338.21
1,000. PennsylvaniaRailroadDeb. 4^s, 1970 922.50
500. Pennsylvania R. R. Co. 314s, 1952 500.00
2,000. Phillips Petroleum 3s, 1948 2,200.49
1,000. PotomacEdisonCc, 4>^s, 1961 1,092.82
Stocks
10 shs. Allied Chemical & Dye Corp 1,732.1 5
70 shs. American Tel. & Tel Co. 6,591.72
12 shs. Appalachian Elec. Power Co., 4>4s,Pfd. 1,274.85
40 shs. Bankers Trust Co., of N. Y 2,615.00
45 shs. Blackstone Canal National Bank 1,050.00
10 shs. E'Dupont de Nemours and Co., Com. 1,489.25
40 shs. Consolidated Edison Pfd 4,172.80
2 shs. Guaranty Trust Co. of N. Y 706.00
30 shs. International Nickel Co. of Canada 1,064.48
350 shs. Providence Gas Co 5,755.68
1 5 shs. Providence National Bank 1,508.22
2 5 shs. Narragansett Electric Co., 4^s, Pfd. 1,381.25
3 5 shs. Public Service Co., of N. J., 5% Pfd. 3,327.62
1 0 shs. Public Ser. Co. of N. J., 5 % cum. Pfd. 990.00
25 shs. Standard Oil Co. of N. J. 1,196.04
25 shs. Texas Corp 1,096.98
12 shs. U. S. Steel Corp. Pfd 1,547.82
1 0 shs. Westinghouse Electric 1,137.08
Savings x^ccount, R. I. Hospital Trust Co 1,491.38
67,883.88
Cash on hand 1,988.75
$94,872.63
Petty Cash 25.00
$94,897.63
64 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Liabilities
Equipment Fund $25,000.00
Permanent Endowment Funds 56,858.52
Publication Funds 6,600.00
Life Memberships 5 ,600.00
Book Fund 3,0 1 2.41
Reserve Fund 860.1 1
Revolving Publication Fund .'....'...... 277.45
Balance December 31,1 940 876.19
$99,084.68
Gain Loss and Premium Fund 4,187.05 O.D.
$94,897.63
January, 1941 Robert T. Downs, Treasurer.
The accounts of the Society were audited by Harris & Gifford under
the direction of the Audit Committee, John H. Wells, Chairman.
c^oA^isss^
O^HE function of a local historical society
\D is to collect, preserve and make available
for public use books, manuscripts, newspapers
and current notices, revealing every phase of
the past and present life of all the people in the
community which it serves.
This is particularly vital in periods of eco-
nomic and social change like the present.
In Rhode Island, a rounded collection com-
prises complete files of local newspapers,
publications of all native authors, books,
referring to the region and its people, his-
tories, statistical records, critiques, the biog-
raphies of residents and genealogies of
families.
Clarence S. Brigliam, Director
American Antiquarian Society.
^■iiiT<ii-in"trr*f •
i-^.'Steijfc<«t*4,'.«»C'.' .-^ '.-.Ki-i -
OLD CENTRAL BAP IIST CHURCH, PROVIDENCE
DESIGNED 15V THOMAS TEFFT, BUH/r IN 1857.
Courtesy of Muscinn of Art, Proz'idcin
NEW MEiMBERS SINCE JANUARY 4, 1941
Mr. Edward B. Aldrich
Mr. William Slater Allen
Mr. Edwin H. Arnold
Mrs. Donald S. Babcock
Mrs. Harvey A. Baker
Mr. Lattimer W. Ballou
Mrs. A. B. Bradshaw
Mr. Benjamin Bricrr
Hon. Fred C. Broomhead
Mr. Robert P. Brown, Jr.
Mrs. Robeft P. Brown, Sr.
Mr. Sevellon Brown
Mr. Harry H. Burton
Mr. Byron C. Bussey
Mrs. Albert L. Calder, II
Mr. Wallace Campbell
Miss Dorothy Casey
Col. Everitte St. J.'Chaffee
Mr. William S. Cherry
Mr. William S. Cherry, Jr.
Mr. Ernest Clayton
Mr. John E. Congdon
Mr. Edward Connor
Mr. C. C. Darling
Mr. Edward R. Davenport
Mr. Earl R. Davis
Mr. Roscoe M. Dexter
Mr. Frank K. Dunne
Dr. George H. Edgell
Mr. Felix Ferraris
Mrs. George D. Flynn, Jr.
Mr. John Rac Gilman
Mr. Max L. Grant
Major Clarence H. Greene
Miss Katharine C. Greene
Mr. G. Mason Gross
Mr. Russell C. Harrington
Frederic \'. Hussey, M.D.
Mr. Donald Eldridge Jackson
Mr. S. Eugene Jackson
Mr. Edward P. jastram
Mr. Harold W. jollie
Mr. Maxim Karolik
Mrs. Wallace D. Kenyon
Mr. Howard Knight
Mrs. Webster Knight, II
Mrs. Henry S. Lanpher
Mrs. Ira Lloyd Letts
Hon. Benjamin F. Lindemuth
Mr. Harold F. Linder
Mr. Royal Little
Mrs. W. Easton Louttit, Jr.
Mrs. W. E. Louttit, Sr.
Mr. H. S. McLcod
Mr. John E. Marshall
Mr. Edward R. Martin
Mr. Kent F. Matteson
Mr. Frank Mauran, Jr.
Mr. William E. Maynard
Mr. Edmund C. Mayo
Mrs. Pardon Miller
Mr. Carleton D. Morse
Mr. J. Benjamin Nevin
Mr. Arthur W. Newell
Mrs. Samuel M. Nicholson
Mr. Randolph T. Ode
Mr. Ubaldo Pesaturo
Mr. Clarence H. Philbrick
Mr. Roderick Pirnie
Mr. William C. Poland
Prof. Charles Alex. Robinson, Jr.
Mr. Elmer F. Seabury
Mr. Godfrey B. Simonds
Mr. George Paul Slade*
Mr. Vincent Sorrentino
Mr. George S. Squibb
Miss Margaret Stearns
Mr. Herbert A. Stevens
Mr. Edward A. Stockwell
Mr. Francis H. Stone, Jr.
Mr. Milton Sulzberger
Mr. Bradford F. Swan
Mr. William L. Sweet
Hon. Eric A. O'D. Taylor
Col. Charles F. Tillinghast
Mrs. Arthur Milton Walker*
Niles Westcott, M.D.
Mr. Henry L. Wilcox
Mr. Frederick B. Wilcox
Mrs. Maurice Wolf
*Former Member
30439
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXXIV
JULY, 1941
stone firepi-ace, thomas ci.emence house (c. 1680), johnston, r. i.
dimensions: 9 feet wide, 3!^ deep, 6 feet high.
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Stone Fireplace, Thomas Ci.emence House
PAGE
. Cover
The Thomas Clemence House (c. 1680)
by John Hutchins Cady
65
Judith Paul's Sampler
bv Gertrude Townsend
79
President Messer and the Brown of 1819
bv Merrill R. Patterson ....
81
The Cabinet of the Society
by William Greene Roclker
90
Mill Stream
by Hortense Lion
Reviezveti by Bradford Fuller Swan
92
Henry W. Longfellow and Montecassino
by Reverend Sabatino lannetta
Reviewed by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow Dana
93
George Richardson, Pewterer
by Dr. Madelainc R. Brown
94
A Partial List of Accessions
Additions and Changes in Membership
96
Back
Cover
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
"'"'•■IIU*
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XXXIV
JULY, 1941
No. 3
Charles F. Stearns, President Robert T. Downs, Treasurer
William Davis Miller, Secretary William G. Roelker, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
The Thomas Clemence House (c. 1680)
38 George Waterman Road, Johnston, R. I.
by John Hutchins Cady, F.A.I. A.*
The visible evidences of antiquity in a community orig-
inating in Colonial days are its ancient buildings. As links
connecting the past with the present they are tangible
historic assets whose preservation is a matter of importance.
Many structures of the Colonial and early Republican
periods are standing in Rhode Island. Some have endured
with little or no change, or have been restored to their
original state j some have been enlarged and modernized
and, in the rehabilitation process, have lost some of their
intrinsic charm j others are in various stages of disrepair,
and are threatened with destruction.
An accurate restoration of the earliest form of Rhode
Island structure, namely, a seventeenth century frame
dwelling of the stone-end type, is an event of historic
significance in these plantations. Three factors are neces-
* Mr. Cadv was associated with Mr. Norman M. Isham in the recent
restoration of the house. — Ed.
66
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
FIGURE 1
STONE CHIMNEY,
THOMAS
CLEMENCE HOUSE,
BEFORE
RESTORATION IN 1938.
sary for the success of such a
project J first, a house built be-
fore 1700 must be found, and
they are scarce in Rhode Island j
second, funds must be provided
for a purely historic purpose,
since the restored house would
not be adaptable as a modern
dwelling; and, third, the work
must be supervised and executed
by persons who have a technical
knowledge of early American
buildings and types of construc-
tion.
The fortunate conjunction of
these three factors made possible
the restoration of the Thomas
Clemence house on George Waterman Road, Johnston,
as an authentic example of an early Rhode Island dwell-
ing. Built about 1680 on land then in Providence and,
since 1759, incorporated in the town of Johnston, the house
passed through various hands until it was purchased, in
1938, by some friends of old houses. They delegated its
restoration to Mr. Norman M. Isham, F. A. I. A., Rhode
Island's leading exponent of Colonial architecture,^ under
whose supervision the reconstruction work was done by
Mr. Joseph H. Bullock of Wickford, a specialist in early
building methods.
During its successive ownerships the house had been
enlarged, altered, and otherwise "improved" to such a
degree that little remained of its first appearance save the
stone-end chimney (figures 1 and 2 ). Reconstruction work
began with the removal of everything that was not orig-
inal: the roof and wall coverings j the doors, windows, and
dormer j the inside partitions; a one-story room at the
^ Early Rhode Island Houses, by Norman M. Isham and Albert F.
Brown, (published Providence, 1895), is the most reliable source of
Information with respect to seventeenth century architecture in the state.
THE THOMAS CLEMENCE HOUSE 67
east end with a corner fireplace, used as a parlor j a large
story-and-a-half leanto at the rear (a replacement of the
original leanto), containing a kitchen, bath room, and rear
stair hall in the first story and two bed rooms in the second;
a one-story ell at the northwest corner j and a front hall
and porch at the southwest corner, the former having a
stairway in replacement of the original winding stairs.
Portions of the work removed were of considerable
antiquity and were of interest in reflecting changing trends
and tastes in house planning and decoration. The brick
oven, adjoining the kitchen fireplace, was an early mani-
festation of "modern" kitchen design. The vaulted plaster
ceiling of the northwest ell provided a contrast with the
rectangular lines of the other rooms. Removal of the hand
made laths and plaster, covered by numerous layers of
wall paper, from the original walls and partitions revealed
fragments of an early wall paper of great beauty, possibly
an English importation, which had been laid directly on
the old wood sheathing. A large part of the original
framing was found to be in excellent condition and, when
laid bare, disclosed significant clues to the dwelling's orig-
inal state which were important guides to its restoration.
The great stone "hall" fireplace, when freed of its added
encumbrances, was found, fortunately, to be intact. While
more than half of the materials comprising the house, as
finally restored, are new, the design and construction follow
authentic seventeenth century traditions (see figure 3).
The stone-end houses erected in Providence before the
Indian war (1676) usually were a story and a half high,
containing a single room with a large fireplace in one end
in the first story and a chamber in the garret. Most of
them were burned by the Indians. When the town was
rebuilt the dwellings were larger, some with an extra story
and many having leantos in the rear. The stone chimney
continued for another quarter century as a dominant feature
and frequently contained two fireplaces, the smaller one
serving the kitchen in the leanto.
68
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
FIGURE 2 THOMAS CLEMENCE HOUSE AS IT APPEARED C. 1870.
FIGURE 3 THOMAS CLEMENCE HOUSE AS NOW RESTORED.
THE THOMAS CLEMENCE HOUSE
69
» foo bc»o:;'i.Ci a-3
c:ll*r jo
fOOMT G
fLOOR JOitT-i .
t.MO GIRT ■».
CORrtt.R POST 9
fyPGiLO SILL 9'«3'
VACD. Dt_
ACTU^L^R*MmG ,,,^
OF FOUR ROOM HCUoi
6U1LT ABOUT It 13
FIGURE 4 THOMAS CLEMENCE HOUSE. DRAWING OF FRAMING REPRO-
DUCED BY COURTESY OF THE HISTORIC AMERICAN BUILDINGS SURVEY.
The Clemence house is of the post-war period. It is
rectangular in plan, a story and a half high, with a steep
gable roof which extends over the rear leanto portion at a
slightly reduced pitch." The main entrance door opens
into the "hall," fifteen feet square, at the left of which is
the stone fireplace (illustrated on cover), nine feet wide,
three feet and a half deep, and six feet high. On the right
of the entrance a door leads to the principal bed room
whose area is about fifteen by seven feet. Opposite the
main entrance another door opens into the reconstructed
leanto comprising a kitchen and a small bed room, each
eight feet in width, a stone fireplace in the kitchen flanking
the one in the hall. A reconstructed flight of winding stairs
" Compare the gable ends in figures 2 and 3. In the former a larger
leanto had been added, starting from the roof peak. In the latter the
earlier leanto is restored (figure 4), authority for which was a sawed-off
section of an original rafter several feet below the roof ridge.
70 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
at the left of the hall fireplace leads to a chamber, over
which the roof beams are exposed. The house has a cellar
which is entered by steps cut from solid blocks of wood
beneath a trap door in the kitchen floor.
The framing (figure 4) is composed of oak sills, posts,
and girts, with a "summer"^ carried across the center
of the hall, all mortised and tenoned and secured with
wooden pins, and having chamfered edges. The sills are
laid on top of the floor joists and must be stepped over in
passing through the outside doorways. The small garret
floor joists are exposed in the first story ceilings. Unlike
most other houses erected during that period in Providence
and vicinity the walls are studded,* — a method of construc-
tion then common in Newport and the Massachusetts and
Connecticut colonies. The rafters are widely spaced and
are joined by small horizontal ribs, eighteen inches on
centers, set flush with the tops of the rafters, and to those
ribs the long shingles are nailed.^
The exterior wall studs are sheathed with boards and
covered with narrow clapboards. Each outside door is
made of three thicknesses of planking, secured together
by knob-headed nails. The windows are casements and
are glazed with diamond-shaped panes of leaded glass.
The interior walls and doors are sheathed with wide verti-
cal boards, with beveled and beaded mouldings worked
along the edges. Pine boards nearly two feet in width cover
the floors.
^ "The heavv beam which crosses the ceiling of a room from girt to
girt and carries the joists of the floor above." Norman M. Isham, A Glos-
sary of Colonial Architectural Terms, a publication of The Walpole
Society (New York, 1939).
* The use of studs for wall construction in frame houses did not become
common in Providence until the nineteenth century. Before then the
walls usuallv were composed of vertical boards, nailed to the heavy frame,
and lined on the outside with clapboards or shingles.
^ The ribs are identified in figure 4 as "nailers for boarding."
^ These are similar to a fragment of a leaded glass window from the
Arthur Fenner house (1655) in the R. I. H. S. collection.
11
THE THOMAS CLEMENCE HOUSE 71
Thomas Clemence, an Englishman, settled in Provi-
dence as early as 1645, as evidenced by his signature to a
compact, dated the 19th of the 11th month of that year,
by which the subscribers, in return for the grant of twenty-
five acres of land each, promised "to yield Active j or
passive Obeydience, to the Authority of King, & parlia-
ment, established in this Collonye ...."' He was a friend
of Roger Williams and a cousin of Gregory Dexter,** the
printer, with whom he may have journeyed to Providence
from England.
While most of the early Providence settlers lived on
the Towne street"' and waded across the river at low tide
to their agricultural lands "on Weybosset side,"^" Clem-
ence had a preference for country life. Accordingly, he
purchased a five-acre lot from Thomas Harris in 1647,
located near the mouth of Woonasquatucket river where
it flowed into the great salt cove or "sea",^' and there
' Early Records, 2, 29.
'^ Roger Williams, when in England in 1652, wrote from the home
of Sir Henry Vane at Whitehall to Gregory Dexter at Providence:
"My Love to yo'r Cozen Clements . . ." Ibid, 15, 62.
^ The present North Main and South Main streets.
^^ The wading place was from Steeple Street to Washington Row
(Hospital Trust Bldg.). The first bridge across the river was built in
1660 and removed, or washed away, about 1675. Not until 1710 was
the next bridge erected at the location of Market Square.
" "The 7th of the 12th m. 1647 (called). Thomas Harris sold unto
Thomas Clemence his five acres of land adjoyning to Thomas Angels,
over against the Towne." Early Records, 2, 8.
"Januarey the 27 1648. Thomas Angell of Providence sold unto
James Mattason a five acre lott lieing on the East Side of the land which
Thomas Clement now livith upon bounded on the East with the land
of Benedick Arnold on the North with the Sea as is manefested by a
deede uneier his hande." Ibid, 2, 21.
Clemence also purchased of William Carpenter, in 1648, a "percell
of land to the value of 5 acres more or lesse the which land lieth on the
south side of the river Called wanasquatucket," this being a short distance
up the river from his house. Cf. Early Records, 2, 21 and Charles W.
Hopkins, Home Lots of the Ern-ly Settlers (Providence, 1886), 64.
^' The tidewater cove originally covered the area between Exchange
Place and the State House grounds, extending from Canal Street west-
72 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
erected his first dwelling^'^ where, presumably, he resided
with his wife Elizabeth." In the levy of September 2,
1650, he was taxed to the amount of six shillings eight-
is
pence.
On January 9, 1654, Clemence purchased of an Indian
named Wissowyamake a "medow Containing about 8 Akers
mor or lese a broke [brook] at each End and a hille on
the weaste sid of it and wenasbetuckit [Woonasquatucket]
river on the other sid of it."^'^ A town record (without date)
describes the purchase as containing "five Acors of meddow
lieing on the South West Side of wanasquatuckett River
about a mile Northwest from the place Comonly Called
Venter," Bounded on the West with a hill, on the East
with Wanasquatuckett River ^ on the North with a Small
Streame, and on the South, with a Small Streame: this
land being purchased by the Saide Tho Clement of the
Indeans."^^ The bounds define the general locality of the
present house.
19
ward to the mouth of Woonasquatucket river near Acorn Street. In 1 846
work was commenced on the construction of an elliptical cove basin,
surrounded by a retaining wall, outside of which the easterly cove lands
were filled. The cove basin was removed, 1889-1898, retaining walls
were built for Woonasquatucket and Moshassuck river canals, and the
remainder of the cove lands were filled.
^^ The spot probably was near the present Nicholson File Company
plant.
"They had four children: Richard, Thomas Jr., Elizabeth, and
Content. Richard's eldest child Sarah was born in 1668, indicating that
her grandparents were married at least twenty-one years earlier.
^"^ Early Records, 15, 33.
^^ lipid', 1, 20.
^^ "Venter: a name formerly given to a brook flowing into the Woonas-
quatucket river directly north of the present village of Merino in the
town of Johnston, as well as to the meadows north of the brook and to
the general locality." Seventeenth Century Place-names, 1693-1100,
comp. by Clarence S. Brigham (Providence, 1903).
^^ Early Records, 2, 36.
^^ Inasmuch as the house is located about 2000 feet from the river the
extent of the estate on which it was erected, as defined by the bounds,
would comprise over 20 acres. It appears, therefore, that additional land
THE THOMAS CLEMENCE HOUSE 73
In succeeding years Clemence, by town grant or pur-
chase, increased his two estates above mentioned, and
acquired additional lands at Pawtuxet, Mashapaug ( Elm-
wood), Gotham ( Olneyville), Weybosset point (Turks
Head ), and other localities, some of which he subsequently
sold.""
Thomas Clemence took an active part in the affairs of
the town. He was one of six "jurey men" chosen at the
quarter court April 27, 1660.'' He was appointed "cun-
stable" in 1661" and, while serving in that capacity, was
ordered to "goe unto the Indians dwelling at pomecans-
sett," And unto other Indians living neere this Townej
and warne them to Take som Course with theire Dogges,
to Keep them from falling upon the Inglish Cattell . . . ."'*
He was chosen to represent the town of Providence at a
Court of Commissioners at Portsmouth in October, 1663,
and at a Court of Deputies at Newport in March, 1665
and March, 1671."' In 1667 he was chosen town treasurer^^
and in the same year was named to serve on the petty jury
at the Court of Trials.''
was acquired before the house was built. The boundary designated as
"a hill" is vague, as the land rises gradually from Woonasquatucket river
to a height of 300 feet about a mile to the west. That elevation was
known as Ossapimsuck hill and was the site of an Indian corn field through
which an Indian path led to Connecticut. (H. R. Chace, "Our Oldest
House," Providence Journal^ March 20, 1910.) The southern brook,
flowing nearby the Clemence house, is identified on the Caleb Harris map
of 1795 as Assapumpset [Ossapimsuck].
-'' Earl^ Records, 1, 8; 2, 34; 3, 246; 14, 54, 66, 109, 149, 185;
20, 282.
-^ Ibid, 2, 126.
--//././, 3, 5.
"^ "Pomecansett: the neck of land between the present Fields Point
and Sassafras Point," Brigham: op. cit. Now the location of the municipal
dock and sewage disposal plant.
''^ Early Records, 3, 7.
-'"Ibid, 3, 40, 71, 219.
-'' Ibid, 3, 103.
-'Ibid, 3, 109.
74 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
When most of the citizens removed with their families
and effects to Newport in 1676, to escape the dangers of
the Indian war, Clemence was one of twenty-seven men
who "staid and went not away,""^ The house in which he
was then living, like most others in the town, was destroyed
by the Indians. That was ill payment for his acts of kind-
ness to them, as reflected in a letter written by Roger
Williams"" October 16, 1676, stating that "two Indian
children were brought to me by one Thomas Clements,
who had his house burnt on the other side of the river.'*"
He was in his orchard, and two Indian children came boldly
^^ Ibid, 8, 12.
^^ The letter was written from Providence and addressed "To the
much honored the Governor Leverett, at Boston, or the Governor
Winslow, at Boston, present." J. R. Bartlett: The letters of Roger
Williafns, Publications of the Narragansett Club, (Providence, 1874),
VI, 385.
^^ The location of the house that was burnt is, at this writing, a matter
of speculation. Clemence is known to have resided in two houses, one
erected c. 1647 on the south shore of the cove, near the mouth of
Woonasquatucket river (identified, for convenience, as site A) and the
other built c. 1680 and constituting the subject matter of this paper
(site B). He owned, among numerous other lands, a lot near the western
end of the town bridge in 1666 {Early Records, 20, 282), in the vicinitv
of the present Turks Head, and may have erected, and dwelt in, a
house there (site C). He is known to have been in residence at site A
in 1670 and 1680 (Early Records, 3, 155; 14, 54), and at site B in 1686
(Early Records, 14, 149). Where was he living in 1676 when his house
was burnt? Probably not at site A for he would not be apt to rebuild
at that site after the fire and shortly afterwards erect a house at site B.
He may have built an earlier house at site B and resided there in 1676;
the chimney of the present house may even be the original stack, salvaged
from the fire. That is a reasonable and a traditional theory, although
unsupported by documentary evidence, and would explain Clemence's
return to site A during construction of his new dwelling at site B. A still
more likely conjecture, also unsupported by records, would identify the
location of the burnt house at site C near the town bridge, "on the other
side of the river" from William Field's house (the present 50 South
Main Street), where the citizens who "staid and went not awav" were
garrisoned during the attack by the Indians.
34
THE THOMAS CLEMENCE HOUSE 75
to him. . . . The boy tells me, that a youth, one Mittonan,
brought them to the sight of Thomas Clements, and bid
them go to that man, and he would give them bread . . ."
After suffering the destruction of his house in March,
1676, Clemence was saddened, a few months later, by the
death of his son, Thomas Junior, "in ye flowre of his
youth." "^ In spite of these adversities, and his advancing
years, he commenced the erection of a new dwelling about
1680, the one recently restored. His neighbors were the
Mantons, Olneys, Angells and Smiths who dwelt on large
nearby farms.'*' The tax list of 1684 records a levy of five
shillings sixpence against Thomas Clemence and two shill-
ings against his son Richard.
Thomas Clemence died in 1688, and the inventory of
his estate showed a valuation of thirty-eight pounds and
four shillings. His property passed to Richard Clemence,
administrator of his estate, who had married, some twenty
years previously, Sarah Smith, a descendant of John Smith,
the town's first miller. By later purchases Richard increased
the area of the farm to about three hundred acres. In 1 703
a highway was stated through a portion of the Clemence
farm and over Ossapimsuck hillj"'' it became the road to
Killingiy in 1728'"' and is now identified as the Greenville
road.
Richard Clemence died in 1723 and bequeathed to his
eldest son Thomas all his "Lands meadows and Tenements
scituate Lieing and being Within the Towne ship of Provi-
dence af ores'd and on both sides of the River called Wonas-
quotuckett River being all my Homestead and Lands
adjoyning .... "'^' An inventory of his estate, taken October
"^ Early Records, 8, 14.
^" Chace, loc. cit.
^^ Early Records, 1 7, 4+, 46.
■'''* Thomas Clemence previously, in 1681, had deeded to Richard his
farm comprising 60 acres of upland and meadow, Deed Book, 9, 81-82.
"''"Early Records, 5, 134.
'"' Ibid, 9, 49.
^^ Ibid, \ 6, 292.
76 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
24, 1723, showed a total valuation of £340-1 3s- lOd/'
In 1744 Thomas Clemence the younger (born 1693)
agreed to sell the farm to John Angell, and gave him a
deed to the property the following year. Subsequently
Angell entered suit against Clemence, and was awarded a
verdict, for three hundred acres of arable, pasture, wood,
orchard, and meadow land, together with the dwelling-
house, barn, shop, and crib.°^ Neither John Angell nor his
son James, who succeeded to his estate, dwelt permanently
on the former Clemence farm/" James Angell married
Mary Mawney, daughter of Colonel Peter and Mary
Tillinghast Mawney of Frenchtown. Their children, who
inherited the property, transferred the farm to Jacob Whit-
man Jr., in trust for Abigail, one of their number and wife
of William Goddard,^^ first publisher of the Providence
Gazette. The Goddards lived in the homestead after 1792
and it was there that Professor William Giles Goddard
(1794-1846) of Brown University was born. When a
highway was constructed through the farm from the Kill-
ingly road to the Putnam pike it was named Goddard road
in his honor. Later it was changed to George Waterman
road.
''^ Ibid, 16, 295. Among the items of the inventory were the following:
"Money scales and weights and seaven sheets and a pillow beere and table
Lining and two Chests and a Trunk and woollen and tow yearne . . .
a feather Beed Bedstead and furniture . . . three Beeds and Bedsteads
and furniture . . . two warming pans and three Bottles and a Lanthorn
and a Trunk and three pound and a halfe of woll and a bell and sum
fethers and six sickels ... a feather bed Bedstead and furniture . . .
puter and Brass and Iron vessels . . . Andirons and tramels and fire shovels
and tongs and a Gridiron and a pan and a Gun and stillards [scales] . . .
a saddle and bridle and Tables stooles and Chcars . . ."
^^ Chace, loc. cit.
'*'* John Angell's house and shop were located at the present southwest
corner of North Main and Steeple streets; he distilled rum on the site
where the First Baptist Meeting House afterwards was erected (1775).
His son, Brigadier General James Angell, town clerk 1758-1775, dwelt
on an estate at "Weybosset Plains" where Westminster and Knight streets
now intersect. Chace, loc. cit.
■^^ William Goddard founded the Providence Gazette (1763), which
he published until Xlbl , when it was taken over by his mother, Sarah
Goddard, in association with John Carter. Goddard removed to New
THE THOMAS CLEMENCE HOUSE 77
The farm, having been owned, successively, by three
generations of Clemences and three generations of Angells,
was sold December 18, 1 826, by Abigail Goddard and her
children to Elder Stephen Sweet^' who resided in the
homestead with his wife Phebe and their children. He
laid out a small tract as a family burial place about five
hundred feet east of Goddard road. Following the death
(1854) of Stephen Sweet the farm was partitioned, May
15, 1855, among his several heirs at law, in which division
his daughter, Sarah Manton, wife of Amasa Irons, became
possessed of the homestead, barns, and other buildings, and
about fifteen acres of land extending easterly to Woonas-
quatucket river. By a further division in 1892 Ellen E.
Irons acquired the homestead lot west of Goddard (George
Waterman) road and dwelt in the house until her death,
a short time previous to its sale in 1938.
Following the restoration of the house the various out-
buildings were removed, the old well curb was restored,
and the grounds were graded and improved. The house,
with its replicas of seventeenth century furniture, now
stands as the most authentic restoration in Providence
County of an early Rhode Island dwelling.
York, and later to Baltimore where he continued his newspaper work.
He married Abigail Angell in 1786. and returned to Providence in 1792.
C/. Lawrence C. Wroth, A History of Prhiti/jg in Colonial Maryland
(Baltimore, 1922), pp. 119-146 and W. Bird Terwilliger, "William
Goddard's Victory for the Freedom of the Press," The Maryland His-
torical Magazine ',XXXV\, pp. 139-149.
■*" The land conveyed to Elder Sweet, as defined in the deed of sale,
was bounded "southerly on the great road so-called [the present Green-
ville road] in Johnston . . . and by land belonging to William Manton
to the middle of the Woonasquatucket River, easterly by the middle of
the River . . . northerly on land belonging to [Isaac] Arnold and
Nathaniel Angell . . . and westerly on lands belonging to said Town of
Johnston, Charles Ceasar, Benjamin Sweet and Jeremiah Manton . . .
excepting . . . the lands contained therein which Zachariah Allen has
purchased ... [8;^ acres] . . . and excepting further all lands . . .
flowed bv the L}man Mfg. Co. by force ... of an agreement made . . .
Januarv 14, 1809. The premises hereby conveyed containing about 35 5
acres more or less and together with the lands contained in the exceptions
aforesaid is the same farm more or less which belonged to William God-
dard deceased and said Abigail Goddard at the time of his decease."
JUDITH Paul's sampler (1791) in the collections of the
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
JUDITH Paul's sampler 79
Judith Paul's Sampler (1791)
By Gertrude Townsend*
Among the samplers in the Exhibition of New England
Embroideries before 1800 recently held in the Museum
of Fine Arts, Boston, were several characteristic examples
of Rhode Island needlework. Judith Paul's sampler, one
of the most pleasing, is illustrated on the opposite page.
While the workmanship is not of the finest quality the
sampler is well planned and executed in an effective man-
ner. The ground material is a light neutral brown linen
with a rather open weave. The design is charmingly
worked in crimson, pink, blue, bluish green, neutral yellow,
brown, black and cream white, the pupil using cross, tent,
Roumanian or Oriental, satin, stem and rococo stitches.
The small number of 1 7th century New England sam-
plers which survive suggests that comparatively few were
made in colonial homes, from want of leisure or inclina-
tion. Of the two English types, one — which went out of
fashion by 1650 — was a piece of linen without formal
plan, on which an irregular scattering of detached designs,
flowers, fruit, animals, insects and portions of small-scale
all-over patterns was worked. The other type was a nar-
row strip of linen decorated with horizontal bands of
embroidery or lace containing floral or geometric figures,
the alphabet and Arabic numerals. These samplers served
as records of patterns which could be used for ornament-
ing book-covers, purses, needle-cases, cushions and various
articles intended for dress and household use.
Probably the earliest surviving New England sampler
which bears witness to the continuance of the English tra-
ditions in needlework, was worked by Loara Standish
(1623-53), daughter of Miles Standish.^ At first glance
* Gertrude Townsend, Curator of Textiles, Museum of Fine Arts,
Boston, is a recognized authority on all types of needle-work. — Ed.
' Now in Pilgrim Hall, Plymouth.
80 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
it appears to be characteristically English: a narrow strip
of linen crossed by horizontal bands of ornament. How-
ever it contains one element which is seldom found in
English samplers before the 1 8th century, the pious verse.
After a series of decorative bands she worked "Loara
Standish is my name" then these lines: "Lord guide my
Heart that I may do thy Will || And fill my Heart with
such convenient skill || As will conduce to Virtue void of
shame || And I will give the Glory to Thy Name." Thus
we see that when Judith Paul worked virtuous sentiments
in her sampler she was following a custom established in
New England about 150 years earlier.
Many of Judith Paul's stitches are found in 17th cen-
tury English samplers, though she executed them with less
care and with a greater interest in speed and effectiveness.
In this she was following the general trend of 1 8th century
New England embroidery. Since a sampler was important
evidence of a young lady's education in the late 18th and
early 19th centuries it is not surprising that many were
worked in private finishing schools. Naturally the em-
broidery mistress's taste often influenced her pupil's work.
In American Samplers y nine samplers made between
1782 and 1800 are attributed to pupils in Miss Polly
Balch's Seminary^ in Providence, Judith Paul's among
them. There is freedom, variety and individual character
in these designs yet all have qualities in common which
gives them a family resemblance.
It is a pity so little seems to be known about Miss Polly
Balch apart from the fact that she kept a well known
school. I hope that some day a letter or diary written by
one of her pupils will tell us whether she herself taught
needlework or whether it is to one of her teachers that
some of the charm of Judith Paul's sampler is due.
■ Ethel Stanwood Bolton and Eva Johnston Coe, American Samflers
(Boston, 1 92 1 ) , a publication of the Massachusetts Society of the Colonial
Dames of America, pp. 102, 366.
^ The first edition of Providence City Directory (1824) in the R. I.
H. S. Collections gives the address of Miss Mary Balch's boarding school,
22 George Street.
PRESIDENT MESSER AND BROWN 81
President Messer and the Brown of 1819
Merrill R. Patterson*
Sumner Lincoln Fairfield, a bombastic yet sensitive poet
in the Miltonic tradition, was a student for the two years,
1818-20, at Brown University. He is of interest to the
literary historian for three reasons: as a man who had wide
and varied acquaintance with many important American
literary figures of his time, as the founder and editor of
The North American Magazine^ and as one of the victims of
Bulwer-Lytton's plagiarism. Bulwer in his Last Days of
Pompeii took scenes, characters, and much of the story from
Fairfield's poem The Last Night of Pompeii.^
After the lapse of almost a century and a quarter, the
violent reactions of the young poet to his college instructors
and environment may afford some amusement. By dis-
guising names and occasionally juggling facts, Fairfield
hoped to escape detection, while at the same time he gave
unbridled rein to his feelings.
The Providence that Fairfield saw in 1818 was far dif-
ferent from the busy, built-up city of today. The large
area lying between Thayer Street, East Avenue, and the
Seekonk River consisted at that time of unoccupied mead-
ows and pastures. The students in the springtime walked
through a rural Angell Street to the "Red Bridge." Samuel
Brenton Shaw, Brown 1819, wrote : "The only houses then
visible from the college in the above-named space were
those of my father-in-law. Colonel Alexander Jones,
Governor Fenner's and Moses Brown's . . . No other
♦Merrill R. Patterson, B.S. (Wesleyan) '25, A.M. (Brown) '30,
Ph.D. (Yale) '33, is at present Hillyer Professor of English, and Chair-
man of the Department at Marietta College, Marietta, Ohio, founded
1797. — Ed.
^ See the author's article in the Dictionary of American Biography,
Vol. VI, p. 258 for a fuller account of Fairfield's life. Fairfield was born
June 25, 1803; died March 7, 1844.
82 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Street but Angell then led directly to the river. What
is now Waterman street was chiefly a pasture for horses.
A footpath led through it to Angell, which I travelled
every Sunday, in going to St. John's Church.
"The only houses on Prospect street were those of
Colonel Thomas Halsey and his son-in-law, Captain
[John O.] Creighton [of the Navy]. From George street
to Power, through Brown, the brick house then occupied
by Mr. Moses Eddy was the only one erected on the latter,
and on College street as far as Benefit the only house was
that occupied by a Mr. [Edwin] Jenckes."'
As for the college itself, Shaw relates that Old Univer-
sity Hall and the Rev. Dr. Messer's barn were the only
buildings on the campus, although the president's house
was inside the "college grounds." The thrifty Dr. Messer
kept both his grass and his feed bills low by allowing his
horse and cow to roam at will in his front yard. "At that
time [continues Shaw] there were one hundred students,
all of whom slept and studied in the college, and most of
them, except city students, took their meals there. The late
Joseph Cady, the steward, provided for every want, and
at the close of the term assessed the expense per week upon
each student, which never exceeded $ 1 .40 . . . There was
a vacation of two months from Christmas, to which many
students were permitted to add another month, when, by
keeping school, they earned enough to pay their board for
the whole year.""
Into this atmosphere of stiff-collared professors and
pastoral surroundings stepped the youthful Fairfield at
four o'clock on a damp, foggy morning in October. Here
mother and son separated for the first time, his mother's
-Memories of Broivn, Providence, 1909, pp. 38-39. Editors: R. P.
Brown, 1871 ; H. R. Palmer, 1890; Harrv Lyman Koopman, Librarian;
C. S. Brigham, 1899.
" Ibid. In [1819] Fairfield taught school in the vicinity of the college.
{The Poems and Prose Writings of Sumner Lincoln Fairfield, Phil-
adelphia, 1841, p. vii.)
PRESIDENT MESSER AND BROWN 83
sobs growing fainter and fainter as the Boston stagecoach
moved on. The forlorn boy was coming in advance to take
the Brown entrance examination. Under the caption
"College, October 3 [1818]," he records in his Journal:
"I have passed the ordeal. The grave visages of erudite
and critical professors affright my soul no more."*
His first impressions of college were pleasurable. He
says enthusiastically, "Young, active, gay companions,
gather around to welcome me j the old gruff president [Asa
Messer] almost smiled j the professors relax their features
as they pass, and the tutors whisper [to] each other in
commendation."'' Evidently Fairfield had passed a very
high examination.
Even though he was happy these first few days, the ser-
pent was not long in entering his Eden. His earlier gloomy
prediction that the student would probably find college
"a different place before he leaves it"*^ came true about a
month later. In the November 6th entry of the Journal of
a Student y the poet takes occasion to berate several of his
instructors, but especially he concentrates his wrath upon
the president of the university. For obvious reasons he does
not use their real names, but resorts to fictitious epithets.^
One of his victims, referred to sarcastically as the
'^ Ne-LV-York Mirror, and Ladies' Literary Gazette, IV, 49, June 30,
1827, p. [385]. "The Journal of a Student," later published in the
Necv-York Mirror in 1827, supplies much valuable information concern-
ing Fairfield's two years at Brown University, but we must be cautioned
that this diary was revised for publication probably several years after the
events were first recorded, although he is undoubtedly using notes actually
made at the time.
'^ Nezi^-York Mirror, IV, 49, June 30, 1827, p. [385].
" Ibid.
" These characters have been identified by means of the Catalogus
U niversitatis Brozvnensis, MDCCCXX, found in the archive room of
the John Hay Library. This item of November 6, [1818], dated just
about a month after Fairfield's entrance into college, gives a startling
instance of his unerring ability for seizing upon the worst traits of
humanitv.
84 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
"Reverend Calvin Backgate", was obviously Calvin Park.^
From 1 804 to 1811 Calvin Park served as the professor of
the learned languages/^ In The History of Brown Uni-
versity this revealing passage occurs: "The professor of
moral philosophy and metaphysics, Calvin Park, seems to
have confined the course to recitations from a textbook . . ."^
In 1824 occurred an undergraduate disturbance which
President Messer thought was owing to a protest against
his view of the Deity of Christ. The students, presenting
their side of the case in an anonymous pamphlet,^^ assert
that the instruction given to the junior class in the spring
of 1824 was inadequate because of the resignation or ab-
sence of certain professors apparently antagonistic to the
president's religious convictions. The concluding sentence
of this broadside, with a punning allusion to the recent
retirement of Professor Calvin Park, follows: " 'Though
we would rather see the Rev. President calvanistic in his
religion, than in the abdication of his office; yet we hope,
that, for the honor of human nature, literature and religion,
it may please Heaven, so to overrule events, that soon the
tyrant may be shaken from his throne.' "^'
Fairfield satirizes Calvin Park as "the professor of belles-
lettres and metaphysics; but he professes merely."" He
implores Campbell, Stuart, Reid, and Locke to peep into
the "stygian darkness of Backgate's [Calvin Park's]
soul,"" and cry aloud in their agony. But he hopes "the
^ Catalogus Universitatis Btozvnensis, MDCCCXX, 1804, "Calvinus
Park, A.M., Ling. Lit." and " 1 8 1 1 , Phil. Mor. & Metaph."
" The History of Brown University by Walter C. Bronson, Providence,
1914, p. 159.
^"^ Ibid.,^. 165.
^^ This pamphlet, published in January 1826 in New Haven, was
entitled A True and Candid Statement of Facts.
^'~ The History of Brown University, p. 1 89. President Messer re-
signed, September 23, 1826.
^^ Nezv-York Mirror, IV, 49, June 30, 1827, p. [385].
" Ibid.
PRESIDENT MESSER AND BROWN 85
Presbyterian hue of his face [will] preserve the igno-
ramus"^" from their utter wrath!
The only person on the blacklist not attacked is the
Reverend Mr. Jasper, "a modest, able, unpretending man,
thoroughly acquainted with what he professes to teach,
and a favourite with all."^" Fairfield's "Mr. Jasper" was
Jasper Adams,^' who in 1818 served as tutor at Brown, and
"in 1819 . . . was made professor of mathematics and
natural philosophy," ^^ Adams, "after resigning his pro-
fessorship in Brown University, was president of the Col-
lege of Charleston, South Carolina, and of Geneva ( now
Hobart) College."^" Perhaps because of the influence of
this friend, Fairfield upon leaving college went directly to
the South and taught in or near Charleston. Supported by
the evidence of Adams' recorded accomplishments, the
poet's estimation of his ability and character can not have
been far wrong.
The most amusing characterization in the light of later
knowledge is Fairfield's description of Tutor Mann, "a tall,
elegant gentleman, who atones for his classical defects by
the suavity of his manners and the kindness of his disposi-
tion."'" This person was no other than the famous Horace
Mann, who not only revolutionized public school education
in this country,'^ but was one time president of Antioch
" Ibid.
^'^ The "North A?/ierican Magazine, V, XXX, April 183 5, p. 377.
^' Catalogus Universitatis Brozcnenns, MDCCCXX, "1819, Jasperus
Adams, A.M., Math, et Phil. Nat." Jasper Adams (1793-1841) was
graduated from Brown in 1815; taught at Phillips Andover xAcademy for
three years; ordained priest in the Episcopal Church; president of
Charleston College (1824-1836); president of Geneva (Hobart) Col-
lege, N. Y. ; chaplain and professor of geography, history, and ethics at
the U. S. Military Academy, West Point (1838-1840); took charge of
a seminary in Pendleton, S. C. (1 840). He published Elements oj Moral
Philosofhy (1837). Dictionary oj American Biography, I, 72.
^** The History oj Brozcn University, p. 166.
^'' Ibid., p. 201.
^° The North American Magazine, \, XXX, April 183 5, p. 377.
86 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
College."" Horace Mann, it will be remembered "did his
greatest work as secretary of the Massachusetts Board of
Education from 1837 to 1848, remodeling the school sys-
tem of that state, and thereby profoundly affecting public-
school education throughout the nation. "^^ Later he mar-
ried the youngest daughter of Dr. Asa Messer."* Ira Moore
Barton, 1819, the roommate of Horace Mann during his
last two years in college, tells us of his chum's attractive
personality, and in spite of Fairfield's estimation says: "I
never heard a student translate the Greek and Roman
classics with greater facility, accuracy and elegance."'^
The next instructor to incur the displeasure of the youth-
ful Fairfield is "tutor Rivulet", probably Aaron Brooks,'*^
whom the sophomore calls "the misnamed, the incom-
parable.""' The pun becomes obvious when it is learned
that Tutor Rivulet "has just left the recitation room, hav-
ing dashed Homer on the floor, and plunged headlong
through the astonished freshmen, and gone down three
flights of stairs, as if a legion of demons were close at his
heels. O Temper! what a glorious thing thou art! """
The Reverend Asa Messer, president
of Brown, comes in for the lion's share of
Fairfield's vitriolic abuse. Cruelly he
begins, "Messer Asafoetida Stockpole is
the president of the institution."'" The
childish pun on "Messer" needs no la-
bored interpretation, and the reference
to "Asafoetida" is self-explanatory. A
ASA MESSER 1790 "stockpolc", it is said, was an instrument
PRESIDENT OF used for ckaniiig privies.""^ Then, with -
BROWN UNIVERSITY ^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^ ^^^^■_
cal picture of the gruff president who
^^ TAe History of Brozvn University, p. 201 ; also, Catalogus Univer-
sitatis Brozvnens'is, MDCCCXX, "1820, Horatius Mann, Tutor."
^" The History of Brozvn University, p. 201.
-^Il?id.
-* Brozvn University and Manning, Reuben Aldridge Guild, Prov-
idence, 1 897, p. 45 5.
S
PRESIDENT MESSER AND BROWN 87
had almost smiled at him a month earlier: "He is a
strong-built man, unequally formed, with drum-stick legs,
broad chest, John-Bull neck, slouching shoulders, high
cheek bones, little gray rabbit eyes, full-moon face and
square bald head. He moves like an automaton; he speaks
like a growling bear."'^^ Moreover, the president mistakes
roughness for discipline and haughtiness for dignity; and
excites terror instead of reverence and disgust instead of
respect. Always, continues Fairfield, Dr. Messer travels
sideways into chapel, his right hand habitually spread and
fanning the air like an elephant's ear. When he prays
before the college body, his voice sounds like an approach-
ing storm, his shut eyes quiver, and his wrinkled cheek
dilates and contracts.'*"
The rebellious lad is not content, however, merely to
enumerate and catalogue the president's unpleasant per-
"^ Memories of Brozcn, p. 42.
-^Historical Catalogue of Bro-:cn Uniz'ersity 1764-1934, "Aaron
Brooks, A.B. 1817, A.M., Phi Beta Kappa, Tutor and Librarian, Brown
University, 1819-21."
"' The North Afnerican Magazine, Y, XXX, April 183 5, p. 377.
^^ Ibid. Fairfield continues to rant. "Bring hither Haylev's 'Triumphs
of Temper,' [William Hayley (1745-1820), at one time the friend and
helper of William Blake, published The Triumfhs of Temper in 1781]
for never did mortal temper enjoy such triumphs! Call up the ghost of
Caliban, but dare not to bring the wand of Prospero — it would be shat-
tered on the instant, and all his magical authority dissolved."
'^ The North American Magazine, \\ XXX, April 183 5, p. 376.
In the Nezc-York Mirror, IV, 49, June 30, 1827, p. [385], this same
passage reads: "The Rev. Asa-foetida Stockpole," thus emphasizing the
first name of the president. Also offered in evidence is the statement of
Jane Fairfield in The Life of Sumner Lincoln Fairfield, Esq., New York,
1847 (Other editions in 1846 and 1848) p. 11: "This institution
[Brown] was then under the direction of President Messer."
^^ "Stockpole" is an obsolete word ignored in the dictionaries.
^^ New-York Mirror, W , 49, June 30, 1827, p. [385].
^' Ibid. The late President Sears says that Messer had some signal
idiosyncrasies, such as "a swelling of the cheeks when displeased, accom-
panied with a quick, gruff utterance." The History of Brozvn Uni-
versity, p. 193.
88 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
sonal characteristics. He strikes deeper. Unable to govern,
cries the poet, "he cannot but tyrannize." "^^ Although his
knowledge is small, his avarice is great, and through this
latter failing he "is led like a pet lamb to the slaughter
. . . every student, who knows how to point his cue, can
govern half the college. Ungainly in person, ungifted in
intellect, without dignity of appearance or grace of manner,
he occupies the presidential chair as a bear would occupy a
throne, and rules a college as a swineherd rules his drove. "^^
Fairfield was not alone in his dislike for the president.
Even at the beginning of his teaching career, Asa Messer
apparently did not have the good will of the students.
Rudolphus H. Williams, writing to a classmate on April 8,
1789, says: "Mr. Maxcy [at that time the president of
Brown] has been unwell the last week so that he did not
attend prayers and Messer officiated and he has been both
hissed and clapt."^" Even the late Professor Bronson, the
very impartial author of the History of Brown University ^
^^ Ibid. In The History of Brozcn Unirersify, Asa Messer is sev^eral
times mentioned as "tyrannical."
^* Nezv-York Mirror, IV, 49, June 30, 1827, p. [385]. Professor
E. A. Park, one of Messer's former pupils, records in The History of
Brozvn University, p. 193, that "No one who has ever seen him can
forget him. His individuality was made unmistakable by his physical
frame. This, while it was above the average height, was also in breadth
an emblem of the expansiveness of his mental capacity. A ^long head'
was vulgarly ascribed to him, but it was breadth that marked his forehead;
there was an expressive breadth in his maxillary bones; his broad shoulders
were a sign of the weight which he, was able to bear; his manner of walk-
ing was a noticeable symbol of the reach of his mind; he swung his cane
far and wide as he walked, and no observer would doubt that he was an
independent man.''
^^ The letter, written by Williams to William E. Green, clearly illus-
trates Messer's unpopularity. A contention arose over the selection of
valedictorian, salutatorian, and other honorary offices. It was considered
a "damned partial distribution" {Memories of Brozvn, p. 28). "We
have found out", says Williams, "that Father Messer was the principal
man in giving out the parts and for that reason he is treated with con-
tempt by the students." {Ibid., pp. 28-29).
PRESIDENT MESSER AND BROWN 89
declares that intellectually Messer "was characterized by
native vigor and masculine sense, not by suppleness, imag-
ination, or culture. "^'^ Nor did the educator in his old age
manage to capture the affections of his fellow men. George
William Curtis, an honorary alumnus (1854) of Brown,
has this to say: "Certainly the most ancient of my Brunonian
recollections is that of the spare and, to my boyish eyes,
queer figure of ex-President Messer, who, after his retire-
ment from the presidency, used sometimes to preach in the
pulpit of the First Congregational Church . . . the chief
facts that have lodged in my memory are his solemnity of
manner and his knee breeches . . . Even in his later years
the good doctor viewed as the head of the university may
be still, perhaps, characterized as a queer person."''
Without funds and with few friends, Fairfield after two
years was forced to leave college. In the last entry of his
Journal^ dated September 20, [1820], he says: "I must
leave my education unfinished and go forth upon the world
to do the work of a man at seventeen . . . The days I have
passed here have been often very pleasant, for they were
full of employment . . . they will recur to my memory in
other years, like sweet visions that have gone forever." ^^
It is comforting to know that in spite of the gruff pres-
ident, the irate tutor Brooks, and other faculty members
who come in for his displeasure, young Fairfield left Brown
University and Providence with sincere regret in his heart.
^'^ Op. cif., p. 193. Bronson continues: "He was a man of practical
wisdom — a judicious farmer, a shrewei man of business; and by these
qualities, combined with thrift and economy, he got together a snug
fortune. He owned a farm or two and shares in a cotton factory, and his
letters show that he looked after his material interests very keenly."
^" Memories of Brown, pp. 70-71.
^^The North A7?ierican Magazine, V, XXX, April 183 5, p. 378.
(An account of the newspaper campaign to oust President Messer and
Nicholas Brown's choice of Francis Wayland for president will appear in
an early issue. — Ed.)
90 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The Cabinet of the Society
The Cabinet of the Rhode Island Historical Society was
originally a two-story structure, measuring 50 by 30 feet,
designed by James C. Bucklin, architect of the Westminster
St. side of the Arcade (1828) and Manning Hall, Brown
University (1833). It was built (1844) at a cost of
$5,260, on the lot at 68 Waterman St., across from Brown
University, one half of which had been given to the Society
by the heirs of Nathan Waterman for the purpose. Part
of the money was raised by subscription, but $3,000 was
the proceeds of a right to hold a lottery, granted by the
state legislature and sold by the Society to a lottery broker.
This transaction brought forth the following letter from
President Francis Wayland of Brown University.
Providence July 17, 1837
Sir
Having been informed that tlie R. I. Historical Society is
deriving pecuniary advantage from the sale of lottery tickets;
and having serious objections to participating in any benefit
derived from this source I beg leave respectfully to request
that my name may be withdrawn from the list of members
of the Society.
I am
The Pres of the Sir
R. I. Hos. Society Very Respectfully
Your Ob t Servant
F. Wayland
5tx JK JK ^K ^J^
It was nearly fifty years before any further improve-
ment was made in the building, then (1891) two three-
story wings, each 50 by 22 feet were added and a domed
lecture room and picture gallery 30 feet square was built
at the rear of the original Cabinet giving the building the
shape of a squat T. The plans were the gift of Alfred
Stone, a well-known architect, who was for many years
THE CABINET OF THE SOCIETY 91
deeply interested in the Society. About $20,000 was con-
tributed for the construction.
The outer walls of 1 844 were ruggedly built of rubble,
covered with plaster, though the floor framing is of wood
(an interesting feature being the main girder which is
one piece of oak 48 feet long and 14 inches square). The
same outer wall construction was used in 1891, the par-
titions being of brick; the main floor was of wood laid on
brick arches.
In 1913 members contributed $8,000 to make the west
wing fire-proof and a vault was built on the first floor for
manuscripts, books, newspapers prior to 1800. The collec-
tion of Directories, Tax books, Rhode Island Imprints, and
works of Rhode Island Authors — about 15,000 volumes
— were placed in the Rhode Island Room on the first floor,
and the upper stories housed the collection of newspapers,
which has been described as "the best collection of any single
state's newspapers in any one library," from 1758 through
this morning's editions.
In 1941 about $4,000 was subscribed for a long needed
renovation program, which is now under way. The heat-
ing arrangements have been modernized, the roof repaired,
and the basement equipped for work space and storage. A
new lighting system is now being installed and painting of
the rooms on the ground floor is progressing.
Upon completion of the renovation program it is pro-
posed to revise and improve the catalogue of the books
and manuscripts, classifying them by subjects as well as
by authors. This work will be done by the W.P.A., under
the supervision of an experienced cataloguer employed by
the Society, for which the money is yet to be raised.
The increase of 263 members or 63%, since November
1, 1940, encourages the officers to hope that the Society
may be increasingly useful to the members and all the
people of Rhode Island. — W. G. R.
92 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Book Reviews
Mill Stream
By Hortense Lion
(Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1941. Pp. 391. $2.50)
Mill Stream is the story of the birth of manufacturing in this State
and as such is concerned with Providence and the lower Blackstone Valley
in the years between the close of the Revolutionary War and the passage
of the first protective tariff in 1816. The core of the story is, of course,
the trials and final success of Samuel Slater's experiment in spinning by
water power.
For purposes of her novel, however, the author has had to modify the
actual historical background, retaining Slater as a more or less secondary
character and transforming Moses Brown, the capitalist of the venture
in fact, into a purely fictional character named Jared Greene. The onlv
resemblance between Greene and his real counterpart is that thcv both
financed Slater and that they both turned from commerce to industry.
Otherwise there is no attempt to delineate Greene in the likeness of the
great Quaker merchant of Providence.
The novel's hero is Bradlev Taylor, a young farmer from the vicinity
of Pawtucket who tries to turn his fulling-mill at Pawtucket Falls into a
power-spinning plant before Slater arrives on the scene. Taylor, being
an entirely imaginative character, can be handled arbitrarily by the
author. Although he is made a partner of Slater, the author is able to
put him into situations in which the use of a strictly factual figure
would be barred.
Thus, although Slater of the novel marries Hannah Wilkinson, as the
real-life Slater did, Taylor's loves and life are fair game for the novelist.
The plot thus propounded becomes the secondary theme of this book;
Brad Taylor's first love, Gail Schofield, weds the villainous Fowler Craw-
ford, an ofF-islander who never does get to understand the business ethics
of Providence, while Taylor turns to Nancy Greene, Jared's niece and
ward. He marries her and in time achieves a sort of love for her, although
it might be called more exactly a sense of appreciation. Gail, however,
remains first in Taylor's heart, Miss Lion contends.
Now, handling such characters, in such situations, and against such a
background as Providence in the post-Revolutionary days, ought to make
for a good historical novel.
I am sorrv' to have to report, therefore, that in my opinion Mill Stream
is neither good historically nor as a novel.
To point out faultv historical background which is so obvious is hardly
worth while. Yet, just to support the charge, let it be said that careful
study would have eliminated such errors as saying that houses on the
Towne street faced east toward the sea, or that an incoming vessel off
MILL STREAM 93
Beavertail could be sighted from Providence, or even, granting that it
might have been, that she would be approaching a Providence wharf less
than an hour later. There are other similar errors, trivial, it is true, but
they grate badly on the consciousness of a reader familiar with Providence
geography, to say nothing of its history and customs. Even the end-
paper maps contain a bad error: the Moshassuck River is labelled "Black-
stone River." The map distorts rather badly the Anthony Survey Map
of 1803.
But all this would be only picayune and carping criticism were the
book a powerful, moving, and workmanlike job of novel-writing. Who
would care about a few historical details if the story proved gripping,
the narrative absorbing, and the theme inspiring? I hope I would be the
first to praise this book were that the case.
The facts of the matter are, however, that no character in the book
really comes to life on its pages, that the plots and sub-plots merely drift,
that the author seems to have no control over her characters — not because
they are motivated by their own inner weakness or strength, which would
be the hall-mark of any great fictional writing, but because even the
author doesn't seem to understand them or what makes them tick.
Providence Bradford Fuller Swan
Henry W. Longfellow and Montecassino
By Reverend Sabatino lannetta
(Providence: \'isitor Printing Press. 1941 Pp. 136. $1.00.)
It is gratifying to find that an adequate Italian translation has at last
been made of a poem called "Monte Cassino" which was written on
October 30, 187+, by my grandfather, Henrv Wadsworth Longfellow,
about the famous Benedictine Monastery which he had visited in Italv.
It is particularly delightful to record that this translation has been made
by an American of Italian descent. Father Sabatino lannetta, who was
born in Providence, Rhode Island, but was sent at the age of ten by his
parents to study at Monte Cassino, where he later became Vice Rector
of the Monastery. He has now returned to Rhode Island and is stationed
at Saint Ann's Church in North Providence and has published in English
a book entitled "Henry W. Longfellow and Montecassino," in which he
includes on opposite pages Longfellow's English text with its alter-
nating rhymes and his own Italian translation in blank verse, giving us
line for line a very literal translation of the original. In not attempting to
preserve the original rhyme scheme, but rather to preserve the order or
words of the text he was translating, he has used much the method which
Mr. Longfellow himself had used in translating Dante's Divine Comedy
from Italian into English.
In addition to this translation, however, Father lannetta's book gives
94 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
US much else. It begins with an introduction by the Reverend Paul C.
Perrotta, O.P. of Providence College, Rhode Island. It includes an
account of Longfellow's visit to the Monastery in Monte Cassino, based
on hitherto unpublished journals, some literary and historical comment
by Father lannetta on the famous Monastery, and an account of Boccaccio's
none-too-reverend visit there in the 14th Century.
For good measure Father lannetta throws in an additional chapter on
"Longfellow's Rhode Island Friendship," an account of the life-long
friendship between Henry Wadsworth Longfellow and his first com-
panion in Italy, George Washington Greene, who later lived in the
famous Windmill Cottage, which Longfellow helped him put together
in East Greenwich, Rhode Island.
It is pleasing to know that Father Sabatino lannetta, in addition to this
book on Longfellow and Montecassino is planning to publish similar
translations and comments of other Longfellow poems dealing with Italy,
such as "Amalfi" and "Cadenabbia."
Cambridge Henry Wadsworth Longfellow Dana
In 1939 Father lannetta published a delightful book in Italian verses and with
amusing illustrations, called L'Asino, giving a defense of the humble donkey, that
had been so unjustly treated by so many writers of the past. L'Asino. By Rev. Sabatino
lannetta. (Rome, Tipografia Operaia Romana. 1939. Pp. 71.)
NOTE
George Richardson, Pewterer
by Dr. Madelaine R. Brown
"Died: On the 14th inst. George Richardson, Esq., a native
of London, England, aged 66 years.
"Mr. Richardson started the first teapot manufactory in the
United States at Boston, Massachusetts, and has engaged in the
business until his decease. His funeral will take place at his late
residence. No. 27 Knight Street [Providence], tomorrow,
Sunday at 1 o'clock. Boston papers please copy".^
With this quotation from the Refublican Herald of Providence, July
1 5, 1 848, Mr. West in his article in Antiques, October, 1940, has solved
the mystery of the britannia ware marked "G. Richardson, Glennore Co.,
Cranston, R. I." and "G. Richardson, Boston." For many years collectors
of American pewter have searched Cranston records in vain for any men-
tion of this manufacturer. Boston records yielded more information and
Laura Woodside Watkins has summarized her own and her father's col-
lected information in Antiques, 1937.^ Pictured is his house on Oliver
Street and his advertisement as a maker of block tin teapots, 1821. After
1828 only one record, that of the tombstone, was found in Boston, and
GEORGE RICHARDSON, PEWTERER 95
Mrs. Watkins and Mr. Woodside buried him at the age of 83 in Copps
Hill burying ground, 1830. Since the Cranston pewter was of a later
type than that made in Boston, an awkward situation resulted. In 1939
my note on the Cranston factory appeared in this quarterly stating that
the Cranston pewter could not have been made before his Boston dates,
1818-1828.^ Later the Providence trade journals from 1840-1850 were
searched but no mention of Richardson, the Glennore Company or the
Providence Britannia Ware Company was found.
Mr. West, however, has resurrected him and proved by census records
and directories 1800-1828 that the George Richardson buried in Boston
was another, a wheelwright by profession. The first mention of George
Richardson in Cranston found by Mr. West was that of the 1840 census,
stating that he had five sons and six daughters and that three of the
family were engaged in manufacturing. He does not appear again in
the Cranston census, but the Providence directory 1 847-48 gives
George Richardson, Agent Providence Britannia Co., 207 High
George B. Richardson Britannia ware, 207 High, 28 Knight St.
Francis B. Richardson Britannia ware, 207 High, 8 Conduit St.
The 1850 census of Providence gives the two sons born in Massachusetts
as britannia ware manufacturers. George B. was continually mentioned as
a britannia ware manufacturer except in the last few years before his death
in 1 890 ■* when he was mentioned as a japanner of metal. Francis moved
to Boston shortlv after 1850 and appears for many years as a britannia
ware manufacturer.
The first George Richardson probably arrived in this country shortly
before 1818 and went into partnership with Samuel Greene of Boston.
Trained in London he made hollow ware and started the first block tin
teapot manufactory in this country, while Greene, a much older man,
made only flat ware. The partnership lasted only four years, but Richard-
son is listed in Boston as a pewterer until 1828. His whereabouts from this
date until he appears in the Cranston census of 1 840 is unknown.
Out of patience with pewter collecters in general and goaded into
activity in particular by the admission of ignorance in my note, Mr. West
started work in the libraries of Washington, D. C. Without leaving that
city he has outlined a life history starting in London, crossing the Atlantic
to Boston and ending in Cranston, Rhode Island. Far better were this
note entitled not "George Richaidson, Pewterer," but "Edward West,
Genealogist."
^ West, Edward H.: George Richardson, Pewterer, ^k/Z^z/s^ 38 :176 (October) 1940.
"Watkins, Laura W. : George Richardson, Pewterer, Antiques 31 :194 (April) 1937.
^ Brown, Madelaine R. : G. Richardson, Cranston Pewterer, Rhode Island Hist.
Soc. Collections 32:1 (January) 1939.
•* September 29, 1890, Providence City Directory 1891. The Rhode Island His-
torical Society has a very complete collection of Directories and Tax Books of all the
cities and towns of the State. They are invaluable in research like the above. — Ed.
96 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
A Partial List of Accessions
Manuscripts: gifts
Gladding Pafers, including the Log of the Brig Hermes (1796), the
Sloop Puritan (1804) and Brig New England (1839-40), Account
books of the Tillinghast, Gladding and Chandler families, School
hills, etc., given in memory of Mary T. Gladding, by Mrs. Donald
S. Babcock.
'■^Shefherd Tom" Hazard Pafers, from the estate of Barclay Hazard.
Letter (1777) to his brother from Deacon Richard Hale, on the occasion
of his son Nathan's execution. Gift of Mrs. George M. Thornton.
Log of the Schooner Alfheus and Nancy (1815-17). Gift of Mr. Paul
C. Nicholson.
Genealogy:
John Budlong. MS. Gift of Mr. Edward A. Stockwell.
Catalogue of American Genealogies in the Long Island Historical Society
(New York, 1939), Emma Toedteberg. By exchange.
Lafhams of Rhode Island compiled by Frank T, Calef, M.D. Gift of
the author.
Mower family History (1923), Walter L. Mower, Seat'erns Ge?tealogi-
cal History (Chicago, 1898), Rev. John F. Severance. Gift of
Frank E. Waterman.
Rand-Hale-Strong and Allied Families (New York ,1940), Nettie Hale
Rand. Gift of the author.
Records from North Burial Ground, Providence, R. /., Wills and Inven-
tories, Wairen, R. I., Cemetery Records of Lincoln, R. I., copied
and presented by Frank T. Calef, M.D.
The Stevens Family (Windsor, 1941), Edwin H. Stevens. Gift of James
H. Arthur.
Rhode Island Authors: gifts
Henry W. Longfellow and Montecassino (Providence, 1941), Rev.
Sabatlno lannetta. Gift of the author.
The Hills of Matunuck (1941), Carder H. Whaley. Gift of the author.
Occasional Discourses (Boston, 1838), Francis Wayland. By exchange.
Pre fare for Peace (New York, 1941), Henry M. Wriston. Gift of the
author.
Somewhat of a Hero (New York, 1941), I. J. Kapstein. Gift of the
author.
A PARTIAL LIST OF ACCESSIONS
Rhode Island Imprints:
Two Editions of a Bible History (Providence, 1832). Gift of Mrs.
Henry W. Cooke.
A Boy's Will (Providence, n.d.), Charles H. Robinson. Gift of the
author.
Proz'itJence Juvenile Gazette (Providence, 1 827-28). Gift of Miss Lvdia
Chace.
Under the Trade Winds (Providence, 1898), Alfred M. Williams, by
exchange.
Dr. Watt's Diz'i^ie Songs, for the use of children (Providence, 1823).
Gift of Donald S. Babcock.
General: gifts
American Imprints Inz'entory (1941) compiled and presented bv the
W. P. A.
Early History of Sujfolk County, New York (Long Island, 1868), Hon.
Henry Nicholl. By exchange.
Encyclopedic Dictionary of A??terican Reference (Boston, 1901), J.
Franklin Jameson. By exchange.
History of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 2 Volumes (Phila-
delphia, 1940), Hampton L. Carson. Gift of the Society.
Memoir of Bishop Seabury (New York, 1908), S. J. Seabury. Gift of
Dr. and Mrs. Frank A. Cummings.
Scrap Book of Rhode Island Bicycle Club, 1888-1928, Photographs of
High Wheel Bicycles, 1877,' gifts of Mr. George R. McAuslan.
Three Scrap Books of Howard M. Chapin, gift of late Dr. and Mrs.
Charles V. Chapin.
PURCHASES
Anne Hutchinson Papers. (1929), A Westchester Fai'mer [Samuel Sea-
bury], (1930). Westchester County Historical Society.
Colonial Period of Aynerican History (New Haven, 1938) \'^ols. II, IV,
C. M. Andrews.
Delazcare Loyalists (Delaware 1940), Harold B. Hincock. Delaware
Historical Society.
General Index to the New England Quarterly Volumes I - X ( 1 928-37).
Naval Documents related to Quasis-]f\ir betzveen the United States and
France published under the supervision of the Secretary of Navv
(1940).
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
T^OLLOWING the adoption of the amendments to
the By-Laws providing for Sustaining members, An-
nual Tax, $25.00, and Contributing members. Annual
Tax, $10,00, the following additions and changes have
taken place:
SUSTAINING
*Mrs. C. Oliver Iselin
*Mr. G. Pierce Metcalf
*Mr. William Davis Miller
*Miss Mary H. Parsons
Mr. Norman B. Smith
*Hon. Charles F. Stearns
*Miss Lucy T. Aldrich
*Mr. John Nicholas Brown
Mrs. Robert P. Brown
*Mr. Robert T. Downs
*Mr. Hovey T. Freeman
*Miss Caroline Hazard
*Mr. Stuart M. Aldrich
*Mr. Claude R. Branch
*Madelaine R. Brown, M.D.
*Mr. Harris H. Bucklin
Mr. William S. Cherry, Jr.
*Mr. Frank H. Cranston
Mr. Charles W. Eastwood
*Mr. S. Foster Hunt
*Mr. Maxwell C. Huntoon
CONTRIBUTING
Mr. Horace E. Knowles
Mr. Daniel H. Morrissey
*Hon. Addison P. Munroe
*Mr. Albert H. Poland
*Hon. Elmer J. Rathbun
Mr. Achille Sammartino
*Mr. Walter B. Smith
*Mr. F. L. Titsworth
*Co]. B\Ton S. Watson
* Transferred from Active membership.
NEW ACTIVE MEMBERS SINCE
Mr. John G. Aldrich
Mrs.'M. L. D. Aldrich
Mr. Clarence F. Allen
Mrs. John O. Ames
Mrs. Colt Anthony
Mr. Leonard Bacon
Mrs. Curtis B. Brooks
Mrs. Hope Shippee Bunin
Mr. Fletcher P. Burton
Mr. Augustus W. Calder, Jr.
Miss Elizabeth T. Casey
Mr. Westcott'H. Chesebrough
Mr. B. Aristide Cianfarani
Mr. Roger T. Clapp
Mrs. Henry W. Cooke
Mrs. Edward D. Curtis
Mr. Henry C. Hart
Mr. Joseph C. Hartwell
Mr. Charles R. Haslam
Mrs. Amos W. Hazard
Ernest L. Lockwood, D.S.
Mr. William MacLelland
Luigi Maiello, M.D.
Mrs. C. Salisbury Makepeace
MARCH 1 7th, 1941
Mr. Francis I. McCanna
Mrs. Reune Martin
Hon. William W. Moss
Mr. R. Lindley Murray
Mr. Arthur F. Munro
Mr. Guillaume Myette
Mr. Fred A. Otis '
Wilfred Pickles, M.D.
Herman C. Pitts, M.D.
Mrs. James Richardson
Francesco Ronchesc, M.D.
Mr. Melvin E. Sawin
Mr. Luigi Scala
Mrs. Nathaniel W. Smith
Mr. Edward S. Spicer
Mrs. Benjamin R. Sturges
Mrs. Robert W. Taft
Mr. Robert L. Turnbull
Mr. Achille Vervena
Mrs. George B. Waterhouse
Mrs. Harriett W. Weeden
Mr. Carder H. Whaley
Col. Alonzo R. Williams
Elihu S. Wing, M.D.
.30440
Rhode Island
Historical Society
Collections
Vol. XXXIV
OCTOBER, 1941
No. 4
THE FIRST OFFICE OF THE PROVIDENCE BANK
IN TWO ROOMS ON THE SECOND FI.OOR OF THIS HOUSE ON THE
SOUTH SIDE OF HOPKINS STREET, THE PROVIDENCE R.ANK WAS
ESTABLISHED, OCTOBER 3, 1791. UNTIL REMOVAL OF THE
BANK (1801) THE STREET WAS CALLED BANK L.\NE.
Issued Quarterly
68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
The First Office of the Providence Bank . . . Cover
South County's Consul to Sweden
by Paul Francis Glccson ...... 97
The Invaluable Axe
by George Benvle . . . . . . .103
John Brown's Mansion House on the Hill
bv Harrison Southwick Taft . . . . . .107
The Founding of the Providence Bank
Comf'tled by Hope F. Kane and W. G. Roelkcr . . 113
Doctoral and Masters' Theses relating to Rhode Island
C 0771 piled by Hope F. Kane . . . . . .128
John Brown House (I llustratio7t) ..... Back
Cover
RHODE
HISTORICAL
ISLAND
SOCIETY
COLLECTIONS
Vol. XXXIV OCTOBER, 1941
No. 4
Charles F. Stearns, President Robert T. Downs, Treasurer
William Davis Miller, Secretary William G. Roelker, Librarian
The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions
of contributors.
South County's Consul to Sweden
by Paul Francis Gleeson*
A cenotaph to Robert Champlin Gardiner is to be found
in the original graveyard of the Narragansett Church at
the Platform near Congdon Hill in North Kingstown. He
was the second United States Consul at Sweden.
This slate stone in an historic Rhode Island cemetery is
the sole reminder in the twentieth century of an incident
which connected the Sweden of Gustav IV and the America
of Jefferson, and is also involved with a beautiful girl who
attended a dinner party escorted by a fashionable gallant —
the entire affair capped dramatically with death and des-
truction on the high seas.
Robert Champlin Gardiner, the son of Colonel John
Gardiner and his wife Sarah, was born in South Kingstown
during the year 1773. His father who has been described
as "an accomplished gentleman of the old school and of
*Paul Francis Gleeson, A.B. (Brown) 1932, M.A. (Brown) 1939, is a teacher of
history at the Classical High School, Providence.
98 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
popular manners"^ possessed large estates both at Boston
Neck and at Westerly. Colonel Gardiner was the uncle of
Hannah Robinson, and it was he who arranged and chap-
eroned, from behind some shrubbery, the secret meetings
of that unfortunate young lady and her lover, Peter Simons
of Newport.
The Colonel was also active in the civic and religious
affairs of Narragansett. He was an influential member of
the Narragansett Church, and served for a number of years
as warden. During the Revolution he was a most active
Whig, and in 1 776 was elected captain of the Independent
Company called the "Kingstown Reds." Later in 1786-87
he was elected to the General Assembly from South Kings-
town by the Paper Money Party, and in 1788 and 1789 to
the Congress of the Confederation by the popular vote of
the state but did not take his seat.
In view of these instances it is clear that Colonel John
Gardiner might well have occupied an influential position
in the newly formed Republican Party," the descendant of
the Paper-Money Party and other anti-Federalist groups.
The power of the latter had grown steadily in Rhode Island,
and it was most active in the presidential election of 1800,
the first in this state in which appeared two national political
parties. There was much excitement and bitterness at this
time — the Federalist papers here claiming that Jefferson
was working to forward the interests of France at the ex-
pense of those of the United States, and also that he was
an infidel. On the other hand, the same papers upheld
John Adams as a paragon of ability and character. There
was much Republican sentiment, however, throughout the
state and it was observed at the time that, "the eventual
triumph of the Federal ticket was wholly owing to the
^ Wilkins Updike, A History of the Efiscofal Church in 'Narragansett,
Rhode Island (Boston, 1907), 2nd edition, II, 105.
" Throughout this article it must be remembered that the Republican
Party of 1800 is the ancestor of the present Democratic Party and has no
connection with the modern Republican Party.
SOUTH county's CONSUL TO SWEDEN 99
unprecedented exertion of Providence."^ The southern
part of the state, including Newport but exclusive of West-
erly and Hopkinton, gave a clear majority for Jefferson/
In return for this showing and for other possible serv-
ices rendered Jefferson, it may be assumed that Colonel
Gardiner was able to secure from the President for his son
the appointment as American Consul at Goteborg, Sweden.
Robert Champlin Gardiner was appointed to this post on
May 3, 1802, and succeeded the first consul who had been
named to the office in 1797.^
Newport merchants with whom Gardiner was undoubt-
edly connected had early evinced an interest in the possibil-
ities of trade with Sweden. As early as June 1 770, the sloop
Dolphin under the command of Captain Nathaniel Ham-
mond was sent to Goteborg "to make a tryal if an advan-
tagious Trade may be carried on from hence there."'' It is
not known whether the Dolphmy which was probably owned
by S. and W. Vernon, made the first voyage from Newport
in the Swedish trade. However, it must have been one of
the earliest ventures in this direction. The trade with
Sweden prospered and during the next thirty years a num-
ber of Rhode Island firms, among them Samuel Fowler
& Son, and Hunter, Gibbs & Champlin, were engaged in it,
exchanging various West Indian products as well as Amer-
" William A. Robinson, Jejfersonian Democracy in t\ ezv England (New
Haven, 1916), p. 3 5, n. 80. (This volume contains, unfortunately, only a
very sketchy account of the rise of Republicanism in Rhode Island.)
■* The Providence Gazette, November 29, 1800 contains the vote by
towns in the presidential election of 1800. Field in his ^tate of Rhode
Island and Providence Plantations (Boston, 1902), I, 287-288, gives a
brief account of this election which contains only the results from Provi-
dence and Newport. Some interesting letters concerning this election and
Governor Fenner's account of his interviews with General Hamilton and
President Adams are to be found in George C. Mason, Reminiscences of
Nezi'port (Newport, 1884), p. 108 ff.
^Contained in a letter (1939) to the writer from the Division of
Research and Publications, Department of State.
^ Massachusetts Historical Society, [Collections, Seventh Series, Vol.
IX] Commerce of Rhode Island (Boston, 1914), I, 332.
100 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
lean tobacco, rice, indigo and rum for Swedish iron and
Russian duck — the latter a species of flax fabric lighter
and finer than canvas and used for pleasure sails and for
sailor's outergarments. The Americans also purchased var-
ious kinds of tea — Bohea, Hyson and Suchong — which
had arrived in the Swedish markets from China.
It is more than probable that the new consul, in addition
to his official duties, acted as an American merchant in
Sweden, a practice common in those early days. After about
a year's service, however, Gardiner found it necessary to re-
turn to New England. In writing to David Airth, whom
he had appointed to act as American Vice-Consul during his
absence, the Consul remarked that he was compelled to
journey to "America and the West Indies in order to obtain
a Settlement of some Business which cannot be settled by
Correspondence . . . ."^
Gardiner spent the winter of 1803-1804 at his home in
southern Rhode Island, and at that time was one of the
actors in an interesting romantic interlude. This young bach-
elor, fresh from the continent, quickly regained his prom-
inent place in the social life of his home community. There
the Consul's attention and fancy was taken by Miss Nancy
Brown, the daughter of the former Lieutenant-Governor
George Brown. In order to further his friendship with this
young lady and to celebrate his return from Sweden, Robert
Gardiner opened his house for a splendid dinner over which
Miss Brown was to be the "presiding genius."
This guest of the evening, who was destined to live to
over ninety, never tired of describing either this affair or
her escort's appearance. She has left us a picture of a fash-
ionable gallant, elegantly attired with fine lace ruffles at
his wrist and knee and wearing a white satin vest which was
"sprigged" with pink rosebuds. In this dress and fresh from
his European experiences Gardiner must have stood out,
even in competition with the other young blades from this
wealthy section of New England.
^Contained in a letter (1939) to the writer from the Riksarkivet,
Stockholm, Sweden.
SOUTH county's CONSUL TO SWEDEN 101
The Consul's heavy watch, however, was missing for it
had been confiscated temporarily by his beautiful partner
of the evening. With the chain around her neck and the
watch in the bosom of her dress, Nancy went to the dinner
party and took her place on Robert Gardiner's right. Al-
though the evening's festivities were successful, the rapidly-
developing love affair was soon to be cut short by the atti-
tude of Nancy's father.
That gentleman, possibly for political reasons,^ had taken
a dislike to this suitor for his daughter's hand. Mr. Brown's
disapproval was clearly evident when young Gardiner, on
the day following the party, paid a call upon Nancy's fam-
ily. At that time, George Brown instead of bringing forth
some of his fine wines or Holland cordials as would have
been the customary hospitality, served native apple cider
to his daughter's guest. Also neither the silver tankard nor
the cut glass commonly used by the family and their friends
was produced, but instead a tankard and tumblers made of
common every-day pewter. Years later Miss Nancy would
conclude her story of the incident by saying, "Can any one
imagine my mortification, to see that elegant gentleman
treated in such a contemptuous way, or wonder that he never
came to see me again. "^ Mr. Brown must have regretted
his action in later years, for his daughter was fated to live
out her long life — a spinster.
Not a bit cast down by this set-back, however, Gardiner's
attention was soon attracted by another young lady, a Miss
Day of Catskill, New York, whom he subsequently married.
This event took place shortly before the start of his ill-fated
business trip to the West Indies. Two of Miss Day's
brothers, Russell and Philo, had recently married or were
* Lieutenant-Governor George Brown, running for re-election, was
defeated in 1800 and 1801 by the Republican candidate, former Lieu-
tenant-Governor Samuel ]. Potter. Brown's animosity toward young
Gardiner may have arisen from the bitter feelings aroused in the campaign
of 1800. See Wilkins Updike, op. cit., II, 62.
^ Caroline E. Robinson, The Gardiner s of Narj-agansett (Providence,
1919), pp. 123-124.
102
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
soon to marry Harriet and Emma Gardiner, sisters of the
American consular official.^"
Gardiner found it necessary to leave for the West Indies
in the late spring or early summer of 1804 in order to
straighten out the affairs that had called him home from
Sweden. It may be presumed that his business in the West
Indies was finished by mid-summer, when he sailed from
Guadeloupe for New York. This voyage was never com-
pleted for the vessel sank with all hands off the coast of
Charleston, South Carolina in August, 1804.
News traveled slowly in those days, and it was not until
June 18, 1806, that the Vice-Consul, Mr. Airth, informed
the Secretary of State that several ship captains had brought
him the sad story." Six months later, in January, 1807, he
was able to write that the death of Robert Champlin Gard-
iner had been confirmed by a letter from the latter's father
from Newport, Rhode Island.^"
L & s I : ui S « .a & e f (• ^^ t S C 4
Ai^ed St
,#
^'
1° Wilkins Updike, op. cit., II, 10 5.
•^^ Contained in a letter (1939) to tiie writer from the National
Archives, Washington.
^^ Ibid.
103
The Invaluable Axe
by George Benvie
The interest which has recently been aroused in the
methods of constructing Colonial houses draws attention
to the invaluable part played by the axe. It was "the English
carpenter's tool far excellence y"* writes Antoinette F, Down-
ing/ "and with this tool alone the American carpenter, as
did his forbears, hewed, squared, and dressed the great logs
into beams suitably smooth" for the home he was building.
In the writer's opinion this excellent book might have
been improved by the inclusion of a chapter describing the
various processes through which the great logs passed be-
fore they were fit for building purposes.
My knowledge of the subject is the result of actually
performing the work of hewing, squaring and dressing logs,
some forty years since, in the Upper Musquodoboit Valley,
50 miles from Halifax, Nova Scotia.
In this Province, until quite recent times, much of the
timber used in building was hand-hewn. Although the
buildings were inferior from an architectural point of view
the methods of preparing the timber were similar to those
in use more than two hundred and fifty years before in
Colonial New England.
^
FIG. 1 '--J FtG.2
Two types of axe were used in the process of converting
logs into beams: the ordinary wood-choppers axe (figure
1 ), which was used for the preliminary operations j and the
broad axe (figure 2), which was used for the final smooth-
ing operation.
^ Antoinette F. Downing, Earl-^ Hotnes of Rhode Island (Richmond,
1937), 3.
104
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The wood-chopper goes about his job this way. After
the tree is felled the top and branches are removed and the
trunk is propped up on skids. Two narrow strips of bark
are then removed to leave clear spaces on which the width
— to which the beam is to be hewn — is marked off by a
line, usually "chalked" with the ash from a burnt alder
or similar green wood. '
Next, the axe-man, standing on the log, cuts notches be-
tween his feet. These notches must be exactly vertical and
not so deep that they cut through to the plane marked by
the "chalk" line. Anyone who has ever tried to handle an
axe will realize that it takes considerable skill to perform
these operations.
L1NE.-STR.UCK- WITH- CHALK LINE. -r
SURFACE- AFTER; BEATING- OFF
WITH- ORDINARY-AyE.- FIG. 1-
SUKFACE.-AFTER.-HEW1NG-WITH,
BROAD'AXE-FlG.a-LEAYlNG
SMOOTHER-SURFACE- BU
STJLL
SHOWING
MARKS-OF
THE- AXE
The log is now ready for "beating off," the process of
splitting off the pieces between the notches, leaving the log
rough-squared but about ^ of an inch wider than the final
" In his shop a carpenter generally "chalks" his line with white chalk.
But in the woods chalk is not available so the woodsman "chalks" his line
in the following manner. Before starting to fell a tree he starts a small
fire and puts in a stick of green alder, about a foot long and an inch in
diameter, until it becomes charred about Ya inch deep. By the time he
has felled the tree and removed the strips of bark the charred stick is
cool enough to "chalk" the line.
THE INVALUABLE AXE 105
width as indicated by the "chalk" line. All of these opera-
tions are performed with the ordinary wood-chopper's axe.
In the final operation the hewer, using the broad axe,
stands beside the log — raised on skids — and hews to the
line, leaving the surface of the timber in a smooth and fin-
ished condition.
The skilled axe-man produces perfectly squared timber:
but to insure this result the first two sides of the log are
checked by use of a plumb bob, the other two sides by the
use of the steel square. '
To secure the best results logs are hewn in the spring
and left in the open a few months to season. Seasoning gen-
erally causes a slight warping in which case the broad axe
and steel square are again brought into use and the timber
reshaped. This process is called: "Taking the beam out of
wind" or twist.
Examination of a number of old buildings for the His-
toric American Buildings Survey has confirmed my opinion
that much of the framing was hand-hewn: the less impor-
tant being done with the ordinary axe j the more important,
with the broad axe. A splendid example of the latter is the
main girder in the Cabinet of the Rhode Island Historical
Society, one piece of oak 48 feet long and 14 inches square.
Courtesy of South County Museum
EARLY TYPE OF POLL-LESS SQUARE-BLADED AMERICAN BROAD
AXE. CF. HKi^KY c. MBRCER, Ancieni Carpenter's Tools, BUCKS
COUNTY HISTORICAL SOCIETY (PORTLAND, MAINE, 1929).
Courtesy Hisloric American Building Survey, Library of Congress
DETAIL OF STAIRWAY, JOHN BROWN HOUSE (1786)
107
John Brown's Mansion House on the Hill
by Harrison Southwick Taft*
In 1786 John Brown began the erection of "My Red-
Brick-Mansion-House-on-the-Hill" as he described it in
distinction from his "Red Brick House"^ on the west side
of "Ye Towne (South Main) Street" whereat he lived
up to 1788, from the year before his marriage to Sarah
Smith, November 27th, 1760.
"The Mansion House on the Hill," considered one of
the finest examples of early Federal architecture, stands on
the north side of Power Street, between Brown and Benefit
Streets. It was designed by John's brother Joseph Brown,"
the second member of the "Four Brown Brothers""* of
Providence j famous in Colonial and Revolutionary days.
Joseph Brown died on December 3rd, 1785 — previous
to the laying of the corner stone of the famous old man-
* Harrison Southwick Taft, Ph.B. (Brown) 1892, Sc.B. (M.I.T.)
1896-7. Marine Engineer and Naval Architect. Leader of con-
struction crew which built (1917-20) Dry Docks Nos. 4, 6 and 7,
Norfolk Navy Yard, Va., for which Elizabeth, Queen of Belgium acted
as sponsor at the dedication exercises. Author of treatises on concrete,
river and harbor improvements, and concrete and waterfront construction.
Also of several historical and genealogical studies about Rhode Island and
its noted families and their landholdings. Member R. I. H. S.
^ Built in 1759, on land south of his father James' domicile, now a
part of the park opposite the Court House.
-Joseph Brown (1733-85), first Professor of Natural Philosophy
(1784-5), at Rhode Island College (since 1804 Brown University).
Joseph also designed his own house on South Main Street. In 1794 it
was purchased by Thomas Poynton Ives who became a partner of his
brother-in-law, Nicholas Brown in the firm of Brown, Benson & Ives
( 1 792) , which became Brown & Ives on the retirement of George Benson
in 1796. In 1801 Ives sold the house to the Providence Bank which
occupied the premises for 125 years. Since 1926 the building has housed
the various firms controlled by the descendants of Nicholas Brown and
Thomas P. Ives.
"" Nicholas Brown (1 729-91 ) ; Joseph ( 1 733-8 5) ; John ( 1736-1803) ;
Moses (1738-1836).
108 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
sion. It was Zephaniah Andrews* who carried on the erec-
tion of the mansion house to a successful completion in 1787.
Occupation of the completed building as his permanent
residence was in connection with the marriage of Abby
Brown, John Brown's daughter, to John Francis, which
was celebrated with great splendor, January 1st, 1788.
John Brown, the sixth child of James and Hope (Power)
Brown, was born in Providence on January 27th, 1736,
presumably in his parents' house on lands now occupied
by the Providence County Court House. He is reputed to
have been a man of large physical proportions. He is cited
as "A man of magnificent projects and extrodinary enter-
prise," one of the real leaders of his native city. As set
forth on his tombstone he was:
The Enterprising and Accomplished Merchant.
The Tried Patriot and Legislator.
The Universal Philanthropist and Sincere Christian.
5|C ^ JjC >I^
The first commercial ventures of John Brown were in
partnership with his three brothers under the name Nicholas
Brown & Company, a firm that engaged in multifarious
activities, they taking a leading part in the erection of "The
College Edifice" (University Hall of Brown University)
in 1770.
Of the "Four Famous Brothers" John Brown was the
most active one in the founding of Brown University "High
on the Hill above ye Town" and held the ofiice of Treas-
urer for twenty-one consecutive years (1775-1796). He
was the main stay of the First Baptist Church whose Meet-
ing House was built in 1774-1775 from designs by James
Summers and Joseph Brown.
Of a later date (1782), under his own name, he operated
a fleet of fast sailing vessels, many of which are cited as
having been built at India Point, Providence. The most
famous of his large fleet was the GENERAL WASH-
INGTON, which set sail from Narragansett Bay in 1787
on the first voyage ever made by a sailing vessel from
* See page 1 1 +.
JOHN brown's mansion HOUSE 109
Providence to China. Another of his famous ships was
the PRESIDENT WASHINGTON.
After his marriage to Abby Brown, John Brown took
his son-in-law John Francis into partnership under the
name of Brown & Francis — their ships making long voy-
ages to any port in the world where a profitable trade
could be had.
John Brown was the principal promoter of the famous
Providence Bank, as is so clearlv seen from his letters
(June-September 1791) published elsewhere in this issue.
He was an influential leader in the movement which
finally induced Rhode Island to ratify the Federal Con-
stitution. He also was a strong advocate of an adequate
navy to protect the nation's commerce on all seas, both as
a member of Congress and as a private citizen.
The famous old Mansion House on the Hill is located
on what was known as the "Joseph Whipple 1 8 acre lot,"
extending from "Ye Towne ( South Main) Street" easterly
unto the "Highway at ye Head of ye Lots in ye Neck"
(Hope Street). Power Lane bounded the 18 acre tract
on the south, with lands belonging to the heirs of Charles
Field on the north.
The 1 8 acre tract consisted of three lots. The most
southerly one, fronting on Power Lane, was originally
assigned to William Wickendenj the middle section to
William Mannj the northern lot, fronting on what is now^
Charles Field Street, to William Burrows. The combined
width — north and south — of the three lots was about
280 feet.
On May 10th, 1768, Nicholas Brown, the eldest of the
"Four Famous Brothers" purchased that part of the 1 8
acre "Whipple Lot" eastward of "Ye Back (Benefit)
Street" unto what is now Hope Street. The purchased
land contained 14 acres, less a small 60 by 80 foot lot
within the confines of the 14 acres, then owned by Nicholas
Cooke. The so called "Nicholas Cooke Lot" occupied what
is now the northeast corner of Power and Brown Streets,
being within the confines of the lot upon which Thomas P.
110 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Ives built his own "Brick Mansion" in 1806 — now occu-
pied by his great-grandson Robert Hale Ives Goddard.
On February 10th, 1769 Nicholas Brown sold unto his
brother John Brown a 1 Y2 acre lot as the southwest corner
of the 14 acre tract. It was upon this small sized lot that
John Brown erected his famous Mansion house in 1786-7.
There are strong reasons to believe that the famous
mansion house as it stands today was not all built at the
same time. In the first place the brick and brick work of
the 54 by 50 foot main structure and the old coach house
is different from that of the ell-part of the present struc-
ture. The bricks used in building the first two structures
are all of the same texture and size which would indicate
that they came from the same brick yard and out of the
same mix. To use the language of a bricklayer, they are
laid upon a "One Header - Three Stretcher" system.
The brick used in the construction of the outside walls
of the ell-part of the now mansion house are smoother and
a trifle larger and are laid upon a "One Header - Eight
Stretcher" system. Also the joints of the brick work in
the ell do not match up with those in the main house as
they should, if of same size and put in place at the same
time as those of the main house.
Further evidence of a different period of construction
is found in John Brown's will — he dying from the effects
of being thrown out of his low hung gig as he was turning
from Power Lane into the "Paved Yard" on the east side
of his Mansion House as tradition tells.
In his will John Brown describes his mansion house as:
"The homestead in which I now live being 54 by 50 feet
square, three stories high, with a deep cellar under the whole,
and all brick from the cellar stone walls as well as the partitions
as the walls of the house, together with the out houses: viz the
coach house: kitchen: stable: and wood house with the bathing
house and about 1 Yz acres of land on which the house stands
and nearly in the center. Said land is bounded by the street
on the west and on the south, and on the east and north by
lands of Messrs Brown & Ives, including all fences, garden,
paved yard, fruit trees etc. . . ."
JOHN brown's mansion HOUSE HI
Since John Brown made no mention of the present ell-
part of structure it is possible that it did not exist when
he drew his will in 1 802. On the other hand it is possible
to infer from the reference to "All brick from the cellar
stone walls as well as the partitions as the walls of the
house" that the ell was in course of construction at the time
of his decease in 1 803. Taking every thing into considera-
tion the author is of the decided opinion that the ell-part
of the present mansion house was erected at a date later
than 1803: unless proven to the contrary.
John Brown left unto his wife Sarah a life interest in
the homestead and its adjoining lands with the provision
that upon her decease they were to become the property
of his son James. He stipulated that "All Plate and house-
hold furniture belong to me at the time of my death j at
Spring Greene and at Point Pleasant as well as in the home
where we now live — " was to become the property of his
wife Sarah j "to be disposed of by her to such of our
children and grandchildren as she may think most de-
serving— "
With the decease of Sarah Brown — widow — on Febru-
ary 25th, 1825 her son James Brown — bachelor — became
possessed in his own name of his father's homestead estate
on Power Street, the mansion house as well as its 1;^
acres of adjacent grounds — including the garden part that
lay east of the "Paved Yard."
In carrying out the terms of John Brown's last testa-
ment Sarah Brown his widow, bec^ueathed unto their daugh-
ter Sarah, widow of Charles Frederick Herreshoff (de-
ceased in 1819):
" — all my linen — plate — apparel — books and household furni-
ture, meaning thereby to include the furniture at Point Pleasant
[Poppasquash] belong to me — and all other furniture of any
kind or nature what so ever — ."
It was through such a bequest that Sarah Brown Herre-
shoff became possessed of most of the household equipment
of the mansion house in Providence as well as at Point
Pleasant; including some out of Spring Greene: Abby
112 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
(Brown) Francis and Alice (Brown) Mason receiving few
of the personal effects of their beloved father, John Brown,
James Brown died on December 12th, 1834, leaving
five-sixths of his estate to his sister Sarah ( Brown) Herre-
shoff — one sixth to his nephew John Brown Francis.
Through a partition deed of April 21st, 1835, Sarah
(Brown) Herreshoff became possessed of John Brown's
"Mansion House on the Hill" in her own name.
On her decease, August 2nd, 1846, she bequeathed the
homestead and its 1 3^2 acres of land to her favorite grand-
son James Brown Herreshoff, then twelve years of age,
with the provision that her son John and his unmarried
sisters might live in the house until 1852, when James
would be eighteen years of age.
On October 26th, 1852, Hope (Brown) Ives — widow
of Thomas P. Ives purchased the famous homestead and
its \y2 acres of land from James Brown Herreshoff, the
Herreshoff family thereafter making their homestead at
John Brown's Point Pleasant Farm on Poppasquash, which
he had bequeathed unto his daughter Sarah (Brown)
Herreshoff.
In 1854 Madam Ives deeded the mansion house and
lands westward of the present stone wall at the east side
of the "Paved Yard" unto her son Robert Hale Ives.
Unto her son Moses Brown Ives she deeded that part
east of said wall as the former "Garden Part" of the home-
stead lot, now a part of the lot belonging to the Bishop's
House of the Protestant Episcopal Church.
Through his last testament, Robert Hale Ives, deceased
on July 6th, 1875, left the homestead and its then adjacent
lands to his daughter Elizabeth Amory (Ives) Gammell,
wife of Professor William Gammell. Her beneficiaries —
Harriet Ives Gammell and Helen Louise ( Gammell )
Herbert — sold the homestead and its then lands to
Marsden J. Perry in 1901, whose estate in 1936 sold it
and its lands to John Nicholas Brown (the present owner),
great-great-grandson of Nicholas Brown, who purchased
the 14 acre Joseph Whipple lot in 1768.
113
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS
The Founding of the Providence Bank
(Octobers, 1791)'
Compled by Hope F. Kane and W. G. Roelker
Providence merchants and ship-owners engaged in world
trade, early perceived the importance of establishing a bank
in the city. When the Bank of North America began opera-
tions in Philadelphia ( 1781 ), all the inhabitants benefited
and the city acquired a reputation for punctuality in busi-
ness transactions.
In 1784 banks were chartered in Boston and New York,
and Providence proposed to do likewise, a proposal being-
made to the public in the Providence Ga'zette and Country
Journal^ March 6, 1784. But the time was not yet ripe,
and in spite of the aggressive leadership of John Brown —
"The Enterprising and Accomplished Merchant," as he is
described on his tombstone — of John Jenckes and Deputy
Governor Jabez Bowen, the effort failed. Rhode Island
was to suffer a final eruption of paper money before her
people recognized the necessity for sound banking.'
^ All letters quoted are from the Moses Brown Papers, 1 8 folio volumes,
in R. I. H. S. Collections. The complete file of the Providence Gazette
is a part of the Society's comprehensive collection of Rhode Island news-
papers from 175 8 to date.
- Cj. Howard K. Stokes, "Chartered Banking 1791-1809," in Edward
Field's State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations at the End of
the Century: A History (Boston, 1902), III, 260-282. John Jenckes
(Son of Judge Daniel Jenckes) Trustee of Brown University (1774-
1791); member of the Council of War ( 1 778-1 780) ; and Commissioner
with Rouse Helme to adjust accounts with the United States (1787).
A prominent merchant and fo: many years a member of the General
Assembly, Jenckes lived opposite the site selected for University Hall
and was one of the managers of the lotteries to raise money for it and
the First Baptist Meeting House. He married Hannah Cory of New-
port (1751), Freelove Crawford, and Abigail, the widow of Caleb
Bowers, Somerset, Massachusetts. He died January 2, 1791 the owner
of large real estate holdings including a 330 acre farm on Boston Neck,
Narragansett.
114 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
The Legislature repealed the Legal Tender Act, Sep-
tember 1 5, 1 789 j Rhode Island finally ratified the Federal
Constitution, May 29, 1790j Congress chartered the Bank
of the United States, February 25, 1791 — it did not open
till December 12, 1791: John Brown believed the time
had come to revive the project of establishing a bank in
Providence. Accordingly he and his son-in-law partner,
John Francis, issued the following invitation:
Providence 3 '^ June 1791
Sir:
An anxious desire to promote the commercial, mechanical & manu-
facturing Interests of this town by the Establishment of a Bank which
experience has Taught (where this Establishment has taken place)
promote Industry & a Rigid Punctuality in the Performance of Contracts
— • We hope the good Citisens of this Town will be impress'd with the
Utility of sucii an Institution — In Order to digest a Plan the most
eligible [desirable] a Considerable Meeting of the Gentlemen in this
Town is desir'd to Convene at the Representatives Chamber in the
Courthouse^ tomorrow at 3 oclock P. M. when your farticular Attention
& Council is Requested —
by your humbl Servants —
CoP. Zephaniah Andrews"* Brown & Francis
[Endorsement]
from
Brown & Erancis
1791
[John Brown to Moses Brown]
Providence Aug'. 1 4"\ 1791
D*". Brother
I am FulL-v of Your Opinion that now is the Time to Einance a Bank
hear, and I am Exceeding Sorry that your are Obloiged to be out of
Town tomorrow [.] the Buissiness You are Going upon, I know is
^ The Old State House, erected in 1761, now the 6th District Court
House, Benefit Street.
■* Zephaniah Andrews, Chairman of the Correspondence Committee
of the Providence Association of Mechanics and Manufacturers, an organi-
zation formed in 1789 to promote home manufactures and industry.
A mason bv trade, builder of the John Brown House (1786), business-
man and statesman, Andrews subscribed for the "Mechanical Society"
and for himself.
THE FOUNDING OF THE PROVIDENCE BANK 115
importent, but Every hour before you are Obloiged to Sett off [,] I wish
may be as much as your other Dutys will Admit [,] Spent in Delibberate-
ing on the best possable plan of our proposed Bank [.] — I yesterday
Inclosed the Baltimore Incorporation [charter] of their Bank with what
Sears & Eves Ses is Expected of it [,] to Mess""^ P[hilip] & Zacheriah
Allin [,] Doct"" [Amos] Troop & Decon [Samuel] Nightingel [,Y
together with my proposells of A Bank hear of 120,000 DolP. to be p*^
half in Spetia [specie] the First payment in Octob"". & the Others
Quarterly, & the Six P.O.'' Stock to be p'i in 15 Days After the Bank
begins to Discount [,] which is proposed to be Immediately on the pay-
ment of the First Quarter Say 1 5,000 Doll*, when the Directers are to be
Chosen, the plates & paper being Reddy Made, a Sample of which I
Inclose You.
by the proposed plan the 3^ & 4*'^ payments maybe posponed if
the Directers should find the 1 & 2'^ payments in Spetia to be Suffitient
[ — ] which with the 6 P. CK Securitys will make 90,000 Dollers [ — ]
supposeing the Securitys to be only at parr, but I suppose thev would
now Command 22/6. Cash' which is 12^^ P.C*. over parr
I had first fixed on only 100,000 Dollers for the plan [,] to be one
half in Spetia & one half in Six P.C^ paper [.] but it being thought by
Some that a Larger Sum would Give a Grater Cr [credit] to the Bank,
& be more likely to Interest people from aBroad [,] I alterd it to 1 20,000
DolP. perhaps if it Stood at 100,000, and only the 4*^ & last payment
Left Obtional with the Directers weither [whether] it shall be p*^. at the
time or pospond [,] as Might then Appear best for the Stock holders,
may be sufiitient, & upon which I wish your opinion [,] as Indeed on
the propotion of Spetia to the publick Securitys [.] — perhaps by making
the Bank as Near Simmuler [similiar] to the National Bank as possable,
it will be more Poppeler then Aney other plan.
^ Philip Allen, brother and business associate of Zachariah Allen,
both prominent ship-owners and merchants.
Doctor Amos Throop, importer of dyes, painter's colours, drugs, and
medicine, was first President of the Rhode Island Medical Society, first
President of the Exchange Bank (established in 1801), and a member
of the General Assembly. In 1780 he opened a new Drug Store on the
site of the present Industrial Trust Building.
Samuel Nightingale, deacon and treasurer of the First Congregational
Church (Benefit and Benevolent Streets), a merchant who operated a
store on North Main Street opposite St. John's Church.
" Payment was to be made October 1, 1791, and quarterly thereafter;
one half in specie — silver or gold; and one half in 6% and 3% stock
of the United States.
" 22 shillings and 6 pence.
116 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
I will however this After noone Send you, the Incorporation [charter]
of the National Bank, the Baltimore Bank & the plan of the Boston
Bank [,] out of the whole You'l [,] if you please [,] Sketch out the
best that Can possable be Devised for our Banks Constitution or plan
of Subscription [• — -] I have no Doubt but the General Assembly in
Octob^. will Incorporate the proprietors in a Simmuler Manner to the
Merriland [Maryland] Incorporation for the Baltimore Bank,
We may Forword the Buissiness by meeting tomorrow [.] but as you
& W[elcome] Arnold will be absent [,] Gov'' [Jabez] Bowen* &c [,]
the Buissiness as to aney absolute Conclusition [conclusion] May be
Adjournd [.] I wish you would Mention a Day when you Can
Attend [.] Let it be as Farr Forword as will bring M*" Arnold hoome,
as I Could wish all the Council & Good Sense in this Buissiness that our
Little Town will Afford [.] if You See Thom^ Arnold before you Leave
town You'l do well to advise him to Attend the Meeting at the Court
House tomorrow at 3. oClke
How Can a Considerable part of our Worthey Deceased Brothers
[Nicholas]" Securitys be put to a Better L^se then in a Bank of our
own [.] If they sell a part of them at 12^^ or 1 5 P.C*. advanc[e] & put
them in a Bank that probobly will Yeald from 1 0 to 12 P.C. Annuelly [,]
* Welcome Arnold, prosperous wholesale and retail merchant; trustee
of Brown Univcrsitv (1783-98); and President of the Firewards of
Providence. Member of the General xAssembly (1778-98), Speaker
(1792-94). He was instrumental in effecting Rhode Island's ratification
of the Constitution. Liberal patron of religious and educational societies,
he attended the First Baptist Church. He was one of five men in Provi-
dence who kept a carriage, lived on the corner of South Main and Planet
Streets, and married Patience Greene, niece of Governor William Greene.
Governor Jabez Bowen, Deputy Governor (1778-1780; 1781-1786);
Commissioner of Loans during Washington's administration; Grand
Master of St. John's Commandery (1794-99). An original Director of
the Bank — President from December, 1808 to October, 1811.
Thomas Arnold, A.B. (Brown) 1771, A.M.; Trustee (1800-26).
Merchant and lawyer, he was Chief Justice of the Supreme Court ( 1 809-
10). He married Marv, daughter of Obadiah Brown, uncle of the
"Four Brown Brothers."
"> Died May 29, 1791. See Leffer (Providence, November 22, 1791)
from Moses Brown to Champion & Dickason, London. "The Loss of my
Eldist Brother [Nicholas] I expect you have [been] made acquainted
with [,] it only remains for me to inform you in respect to Browns &
Benson Affairs, I have no doubt they are good but my Brothers Estate
by the Rise of publick Stocks Amt^ to more than any of us Expected [,]
he hav& at his Decease upwards of 200,000 Dollars in the Various Publick
Securities [.]"
THE FOUNDING OF THE PROVIDENCE BANK 117
it Certinly will be an Object Worthy of Your & their x4ttention [.] Even
if they [Nicholas' Securities] was to Form one half the Bank [.] I know
not what they Could do better or What Can possably be Done better
for them
as to our Giting a Branch of the National Bank, it Appears Very Clear
to Me that we Shall Stand a Much Graiter Chance of Succeeding in that
by First hav[in]s Established one of our own, than tho we Remain
slouth Full [slothful] and theirby Induce their Directers to think this
Town of No Suffitient Consiquenc [e] to Intitell us to a Branch, or an
Office of Discount and Depossite, [ — ] as the Act of Congress [provides]
May be [located] in aney part of the Union ware [where] the Directers
may think proper
Their was an Artical in our Last proposed Bank Subscription & of
Course will again be Inserted [,] that at aney Futer time when the
Buissiness of the State may Require it [,] new Subscriptions Maybe
added
I fulley Join You that this Town must of Course be Insignifficant [,]
and 1 mav ad Mizarable in point of Welth, when Compaird with the
Four Towns^° in the Union who now have Banks Established [.] but
by our Exurtions and Forming a Good & Substantial Foundation for the
Commertial [commercial], Manufactoral, & Macanical [mechanical],
Riseing [coming] Generation [,] it may in time become no Incon-
siderable Cappetell [capital] But without a Spring to promote Our
Young Men in Buissiness hear, they must & will Continue to go to
Such places as will x-\id them with the Means of Buissiness. & in Short
all our Welth [,] I Mean the Welth as fast as Acquired in this State [,]
must be Transferd to those Other States who by their Banks promote
all the Valuable Arts of Mankind
I ad no more, only that I am Your
Brother
J [ohn] B[rown]
^^ Philadelphia, The Bank of North America, incorporated, by Con-
gress, 1781, by Pennsylvania, 1782; Boston, 1784; New York, 1784;
and Baltimore, 1790; the First Bank of the United States, February 15,
1791, opened for business December 12, 1791.
118
RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
[John Brown to Moses Brown]
Aug*. 14*'^. 1791
D''. Brother
I now Inclose You the Acts passed at the 3*^. Session of Congress on
the 4'*^. Leaf of which being turned down being p^. 232 is the Act to
Incorporate the Subscribers to the Bank of the United States [.] I allso
Inclose You the Form of the Subscription for the Boston Bank, together
with our Letter from Mess''®. Allins Covering the Baltimore Incorpora-
tion (with our B F^^ letter to them) & proposels for a Bank hear,
besides which I hand You the plan of the Bank Lately proposed hear of
40,000 — the one actually Subscribed was a Little & but a Little alterd in
Some perticulers [whi]ch is I beleave now in the hands of Gov"". [Jabez]
Bowen
torn
[I am] your Brother & Friend
Jfohn] B[rown]
[John Brown to Moses Brown]
D--.
Providence Septem 1®' 1791
Brother, time is Roleing on — Fall is Now Come — when the Bank,
hear so Much and So Long taulked of ought to be Soone in Motion [.]
I wated [waited] for You & M"". W[elcome] A [mold] to have a
Meeting and Compleet the Plan that it Might be handed to the Publick
both hear & Elseware[.] New York & Boston we have Reason to Sup-
pose May afford Some Subscribers if they Like the plan & have it in time
the 1®* Munday in October, only Next Month & that full Late, is
proposed to Meet at the Court House & Subscribe to a Bank of 1 50,000
Doll*, payable as Followeth Viz one half in Silver & Goald & half in
6 & 3 p'' C* Equilly of the Funded Debt of the Union [,] that is one
Quarter part of both Spetia & paper to be p^ on the S*^ [said] First
Munday in Octob"" when the Directers May be Choose [n] [,] Who is
[are] to Receive the Money & paper & put the Buissiness into Immediate
Action [.] 34 to be p'^. in 3 M° [months] after Say the P* Jan^ [,]
Yx 3 M°. after that Viz the First Munday in April & the fourth &
Last Quarter in 3 M° after that Viz the Munday of July Next [,] unless
the Directers may find that the first ^ May be Amply Suffitient and
from the Advice of the Stock Holders posponed S'* [said] Last Payment
^^ Presumably Brown & Francis.
THE FOUNDING OF THE PROVIDENCE BANK 119
till the Same May be wanted [.] it is allso proposed that a Subscriber for
One Shear has One Vote [,] Ten Shears Five Votes [,] 20 Shears Ten
Votes [,] 40 Shears 15 Votes [,] & So on as the National Bank is
Fixed [.] No one body [,] Corporation, Comp>' [,] or person what-
Ever to have more than 30 Votes in all — ■
W[elcome] Arnold Esq'' is now or most Likely will this Day be at
home, as I understood yesterday M''^ Arnold Expected him Last Even^.
I wish you Could Attend an Hour or Two to [at] Some Suteable
time this Even^ [,] or in the Morn^ if Convenient [,] that the plan
May be Concluded and the publick Advised their of in M"" Carters
next paper [.]^"
Yours &c
J[ohn] B[rown]
P. S. I wish the Approbation of as Many as May be to the plan, in
Every Respect, Viz the whole Amount When payable [,] the Number
of Directors, how to Regulate the Shears to the Votes, the Small Sub-
scribers No Doubt will like it best to have as Large a Shear of Government
as they Can, how Many Shears ought to Intitle a Man to be a Directer or
President with Many other perticulers [,] is Nessessary to Incorporate
or Git as General Assent too as May be before its too Late [.] will You
Call at my Store at 1 0 oClk to Day and advise the Best Mode of Convean^
a Meeting [.] I think Coll° [Joseph] N[ightingale]^"' is Some More
Convinced of the LUillity of a Bank hear, then he was. — •
[Endorsement]
Moses Brown
at his house in the
Neck
^- John Carter, Proprietor and Printer of T/^e Providence Gazette
and Country Journal, printed at Shakespeares Head [on Meeting Street] .
^^ Joseph Nightingale, Colonel of The Cadet (formerly Artillery)
Company of the County of Providence; brother of Deacon Samuel
Nightingale; Trustee of Brown University (1776-97). Joseph Night-
ingale and John L Clark under the name of Clark & Nightingale were
active in the East India Trade. Joseph Nightingale built the mansion
on Benefit Street, between Power and Williams Streets, where John
Carter Brown later housed his famous Library of Americana.
120 rhode island historical society
The Providence Gazette and Country Journal
Saturday, Seftember 10, 1791.
PROPOSALS for a BANK
to be established at PROVIDENCE
Taught by the experience of Europe and America, that well-regulated
Banks are highly useful to society, by promoting punctuality in the
performance of contracts, increasing the medium of trade, facilitating the
payment of taxes, preventing the exportation of specie, and furnishing
for it a safe deposite, and by discount rendering easy and expeditious the
anticipation of funds on lawful interest, advancing at the same time the
interest of the proprietors:
WE the subscribers, desirous of promoting such an institution, do
hereby engage to take the number of shares set against our names re-
spectively, in a bank to be established in Providence, in the State of
Rhode-Island, on the following plan [which provided for a subscription
of $160,000 — 400 shares at $400 each; to be paid in to the directors
quarterly, beglning October 1st, one half in silver or gold, one half
in 6 per cent or 3 per cent stock of the United States. An arbitrary
limit was set on the number of votes to which each share was entitled
so that ] no person, co-partnership, or body politic [ would have more
than 30 votes, regardless of the number of shares held.
[Nine directors were to be chosen from whom a President should
be elected for one year; the Board to determine the manner of doing
business; to choose from among their number — at every quarterly
meeting — three inspectors to inspect the business of the Bank for the
ensuing three months; and that no officer or director be entitled to any
pecuniary advantage from his position unless the profits exceed 6 per cent.
[Stockholders were given the preference, in proportion to their owner-
ship in the Bank, if more discounts were applied for] than the directors
may think prudent to grant [and in order that the directors might know
who owned stock it was provided] that no sale or conveyance whatever of
any share . . . shall be deemed good, but such as may be made on the
Bank books.
The Providence Gazette and Country Journal
Saturday, Seftember 24, 1791.
To the PUBLIC.
ALL Persons desirous of being concerned, as Stockholders, in the pro-
posed BANK to be established in Providence, on Monday the 3d of
October next, are hereby reminded, that the Meeting will then be
THE FOUNDING OF THE PROVIDENCE BANK 121
punctually held, at Ten o'Clock in the Morning, at the Court-House —
when there is scarce a Doubt but that the Bank will be immediately filled,
on Principles very similar to those of the National Bank, unless any
Alteration should then be thought best; that the Sum in Specie to be
paid down on each Subscription will be 25 Dollars at least, with an
Indulgence not exceeding 30 days for the Remainder of the first Pay-
ment in Specie, on the lawful Interest being allowed to those who may
"not find it convenient to pay a larger Part down; and that the first
Payment of public Paper may be put off to the Middle of January, by
any who may not have it by them, which Deviation can make no
Difference to the Stockholders, as the Interest on the said public Paper
will be all cast to one Period. It is with peculiar Satisfaction the Friends
to the proposed Bank can assure the Public that the Institution is pleasing
to the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, and that therefore
every reasonable Encouragement from him may be expected.
Providence, Sep. 23, 1791.
The Providence Gazette and Country Journal
Saturday, October 1, 1791.
To the PUBLIC.
As it seems to be the general wish, that the BANK, to be established
in this town on Monday next, should be as nearly similar to the National
Bank as possible, as thereby it may be more particularly connected there-
with than otherwise it could be; and as there can be scarcely a doubt of the
whole amount of said Bank being immediately subscribed for; a friend^*
to the institution proposes (in order that all who wish to become stock-
holders should have a fair opportunity to subscribe) to enlarge the Bank
to Two Hundred Thousand Dollars, as followeth; that is to say, five
hundred shares of four hundred dollars each, payable two-fifth parts in
silver or gold, and three-fifths in the funded debt of the United States,
bearing an interest of six per cent, though, to accomodate the subscribers,
any part of said paper may be paid at two for one in the three per cents
of said funded debt, with full liberty to exchange them at any time within
twelve months.
Twenty-five dollars only, in silver or gold, for each share, mav be
required to be paid down, or as soon as the Directors can be appointed
and ready to receive it, and twenty-five dollars more in one month,
with interest, which together make one quarter of the specie part of said
Bank; . . . and that there be a clause added to the proposals, as before
14
Unquestionably this friend is John Brown himself.
122 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
printed, nearly as followeth, viz. that the stock of the Bank may be
increased at any time hereafter, when a majority of the stockholders may
find it necessary for the public utility, to any sum not exceeding five
hundred thousand dollars ...
Any persons who may neglect attending at the Court-House at the
hour appointed, viz. at ten o'clock on Monday morning next, by them-
selves or friends, to give in their names, with the number of shares,
written on a piece of paper, for which they wish to subscribe, in order,
should the whole number of shares exceed ^:he five hundred, they may
be reduced in some equitable proportion, so as only to leave the said
five hundred shares in the whole — will do well to remember, that they
can blame none but themselves for their inattention to the business; and
are particularly desired to remember, when the script of this Bank may
be selling from fifty to one hundred per cent, profit, in lieu of five hun-
dred to twelve hundred per cent, advance, as the late National Bank
scripts sold, that they will have none to blame but themselves; for all
may be assured, that it is the general wish of all the promoters of this
Bank, that the subscribers to it may be as numerous as can be expected
from the extent or wealth of the State, from which a charter is expected.
Provide/ice, Sept. 30, 1791.
The Providence Gazette and Country Journal
[News Item]
PROVIDENCE, OCTOBER 8, 1791.
Agreeably to Notice given in our last, relative to the Establishment of
a BANK in this Town, about One Hundred Gentlemen met at the
Court-House on Monday, when the Business of the Meeting was opened,
and Choice made of WELCOME ARNOLD, Esq; as Chairman. —
A Plan of a Constitution was then presented, and after having been
maturely discussed by Paragraphs, and such Alterations made as were
found necessary, it passed unanimously. It was judged most eligible
[desirable] that the Bank should consist of 625 Shares of Four Hundred
Dollars each; One Hundred and Twenty-five of which to be reserved
for the United States; and Fifty for this State, should our Legislature
think proper to subscribe for the same. The remaining 450 shares were
then declared ready for Subscribers, and the Subscription was imme-
diately began. The Chairman calling on the Gentlemen present to bring
in their Subscriptions rolled up, and to be delivered by Six o'Clock, P.M.
as after that Hour none could be received ; the Time was most punctually
THE FOUNDING OF THE PROVIDENCE BANK 123
observed, and the Subscriptions counted by a Committee appointed for
that purpose, when there appeared to be 1324 Shares subscribed for.
This number far exceeding the prescribed Limits, occasioned bv a large
Subscription from Philadelphia, New- York, Massachusetts, and various
Parts of this State, obliged the Subscribers immediately to reduce the
Number of Shares, agreeably to a ^'ote passed previous to the Subscrip-
tion, and it was accordingly reduced to the aforesaid 450 Shares.
The Business of the Subscription being finished, the Stock-Holders
proceeded to the Choice of Directors; and the following Gentlemen
were chosen, viz.
JOHN BROWN WELCOME ARNOLD
JOHN L CLARK NICHOLAS BROWN
JABEZ BOWEN SAMUEL BUTLER
MOSES BROWN ANDREW DEXTER
THOMAS L. HALSEV
Tuesday the Directors had a Meeting, when JOHN BROWN, Esq;
was unanimously elected President, and Mr. OLNEY WINSOR, Cashier,
for the Year ensuing. The First Payment of Specie was completed on
Wednesday, and the Bank will be ready to receive Proposals for Discount
on Mondav next.
^^ Directors not previously identified: John Innes Clark, member
of the firm of Clark and Nightingale, owner of many privateers during
the Revolution, he served with John Brown, Jabez Bowen, Joseph Night-
ingale, and others as a committee to supervise the construction of two
ships for the Revolutionary Navy. Trustee of Brown L^niversity (1782-
1 808) ; Warden of St. John's Church ( 1 790) ; and the President of the
Bank (1803-1811).
Samuel Butler, prosperous merchant who began his business career as
a cobbler and store keeper. Influential in promoting the settlement of
the West Side, he was instrumental in making tenable much of the marsh
land along the Cove. He acquired considerable property in the vicinity
of lower Weybosset and Westminster Streets including a portion of the
sites of the Arcade and the new Industrial Trust Building. Overseer of
the Poor, Assessor of Taxes, and Member of the Town Council of
Providence, the one member permitted from the West Side.
Nicholas Brown (1769-1841), son of Nicholas and nephew of John
and Moses; married first, Ann Carter (daughter of John Carter, the
printer, and mother of John Carter Brown) and second, Mary Bowen
Stelle. Member of the firm of Browns &; Benson, later Brown & Ives,
in 1804 he gave $5,000 to Rhode Island College for the endowment
of a Professorship of Orator\' and Belles Lettres. In accordance with the
124 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
[Advertisement]
BANK SCRIPTS.
HOPPIN & SNOW^^
Are in Want of Twenty-five Providence BANK
SCRIPTS, for each of which they will give
Forty-five Dollars in Cash, payable on Delivery
of the Scripts.
vote of the Corporation that the donor of $5,000 would be entitled to
name the college, the name was changed to Brown University on
September 6, 1804.
Andrew Dexter, merchant and manufacturer. In 1786 together with
Daniel Anthony and Lewis Peck he formed a company to engage in
cotton spinning and manufacturing, and built (1787) the first spinning
jenny made in the United States, which was set up in the Market House
on Market Square. In 1793 he operated a "New Cheap Store for
Country Merchants and Others . . . between the Great Bridge & the
Baptist Meeting House."
Thomas L. Halsey, wealthy Providence citizen; French consular agent
in Rhode Island during the Revolution; Commissary General of the
French troops. He married Sarah Bowen, daughter of Dr. Ephraim
Bowen, and in 1801 built the Thomas Halsey house on the west side
of Prospect Street north of Barnes Street, now owned bv Mr. and Mrs.
William Lippitt Mauran.
Olney Winsor, Cashier 1791-1810, (Son of Samuel Winsor, pastor
of the First Baptist Church [1759-1771]). Trustee of Brown Uni-
versity (1798-1837). Olney Winsor conducted a Book Store and later
became a partner in Jenckes, Winsor & Co., merchants. When cashier
Winsor resided at the Bank on the South Side of Hopkins Street. He
married Freelove Waterman (1777) and later Hope Thurber (1784).
He compiled a Genealogy of the Winsor Familv.
^'"' Colonel Benjamin Hoppin and Samuel Snow, auctioneers and com-
mission merchants doing business as Hoppin & Snow, opposite the Market
House. Hoppin was Colonel of the Providence Countv Militia, Collector
of Taxes in 1781 ; was appointed "Vendue Master" (public auctioneer)
of the City of Providence; and a corporator of the Beneficent Congre-
gational Church (1785); married Anne Rawson. After the dissolution
of the partnership of Hoppin & Snow (1793), he continued in business
with his son Benjamin, Jr. Captain Samuel Snow, A.B. (Brown) A.M.,
Captain of the First R. I. Regiment of Continental Infantry, formerly
THE FOUNDING OF THE PROVIDENCE BANK 125
To the PUBLIC.
THE BANK established in this town, on Monday last, will begin
its operation, at the BANK-HOUSE, on the south side of the new paved
street, commonly known by the name of Governor Hopkins's Lane, on
Monday next.
As public notice was given for a general attendance at forming the
Constitution of the Bank, it may be expected that every inhabitant will
be desirous of the promotion and prosperity of the institution, as thereby
the convenience and interest of the inhabitants in general will be greatly
assisted, especially if every class of citizens shall deposite their money for
safe keeping in the vaults of the Bank, and either give their checks thereon
for their daily transactions, or take out Bank Notes to the amount of
their deposites.
It is hoped and expected, that all persons who may transact any busi-
ness with the Bank will attend to the strictest punctuality as the most
minute exactness in the discharge of every contract will be expected.
Although the business of the Bank must be conducted with great
caution, at the same time it will be the object of the Managers that every
possible convenience be given to those who may apply for discount; they
therefore propose to discount twice a week, as at Philadelphia and New-
York, viz. on Tuesdays and Fridays; the proposals for discount, for
thirty days and three days of grace, for notes or other securities made
payable in Bank, must be lodged with the Cashier on the days previous
to the discounts, viz. on Mondays and Thursdays; and every such note
or other security must be supported by one good and sufficient endorser
at least, living in this town, so as to be perfectly satisfactory as to a
certainty of the most punctual compliance with the tenor thereof; or,
in lieu of such notes or other securities, a deposite of the funded debt
of the nation, or other valuable paper, or plate, will be received. Large
discounts cannot be expected, until the stock of the Bank be increased by
further payments of the Stockholders.
The Bank will be open, and ready for receiving and paying money,
at nine o'clock in the morning, and continue open till three o'clock in the
afternoon, on every day, Sundays excepted. — Should any person about
to leave town, or from other causes wish to exchange Bank Notes for specie
at any other hour, it is hoped that every person having specie by him will
of the firm of Benjamin and Samuel Snow, merged with the Hoppin
firm in 1 790 ; he engaged in the China trade, voyaged to China in 1 795,
and was appointed consul at Canton ( 1 798) . He was an original member
of the Rhode Island Society of Cincinnati, Secretary (1812), and first
Captain General of St. John's Commandery.
126 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
readily accommodate in such cases, as all mav, should thev choose, obtain
specie for notes the moment the Bank shall open.
By Order of the Directors,
OLNEY WINSOR, Cashier.
Provide/ice, Oct. 7, 1791.
[Notice of first meeting of Directors,
John Brown to the directors of the Bank]
Gentlemen
As no time has beene Agreed on by the Directors what Hour they
will Attend at the Bank to Agree on the Several Proposalls for Discount,
I wish a General Attendence of You all at the Bank at 5. oClk this
Afternoone, to Deside on the proposall that are & Shall be Made this
Dav, & allso to Agree on what kind of paper Shall be Rec''. as Depossites,
with anev other Buissiness that May Require Investigation
I wish You Gentlemen for a Short time at Least would Meet at the
Bank for half an Hour at Noone & half an Hour toward Even^, when
Anev Buissiness of Importence May be Communicated to Each Other. If
we are all once Conveand the Above or Aney More Eligable [desirable]
plan of Government Mavbe Discused & Agreed to for the Gen^ Good — -
I am Gentlemen Your Ob*.
Humble Serv*.
John Brown
BankOctob^ 10"\ 1/2 after 2. oClk
1791
The Directors of the Bank
The Providence Gazette and Country Journal
October 15, 1791.
[News Item]
Scrips in the Bank of Providence have this Week been sold at One
Hundred per Cent. Advance. — The Bank began to discount on Tues-
day last.
the founding of the providence bank 127
The Providence Gazette and Country Journal
October 22, 1791.
[Advertisement]
WANTED IMMEDIATELY, BY
BROWN and FRANCIS,
for 'vchich a generous Price will be paid in CASH
Good Ox Beef, Pork and Barley.
THEY HAVE FOR SALE
BOHEA TEA, in Quarter, Half and
Whole Chests; . . .
CHINA WARE, of Various Sorts, . . . [etc.]
All the above mentioned Articles they will sell at as low Prices for
Cash, Boston, New-York, Philadelphia, or Providence Bank-Notes, or
the public Securities of the Continent, or Four New-England States,
as can be bought elsewhere in America, as they are the original Importers,
and particularly wish to encourage the Inhabitants of this State, and their
neighbors of Massachusetts, Connecticut and Vermont, to frequent the
Town of Providence, so much nearer and convenient than New-York or
Boston. — They beg Leave to remark, that, as a Bank is now established
in this Town, the Citizens will be enabled to pay on all occasions Cash
for Country Produce.
Proz'idefice, Oct. 19, 1791.
The Providence Gazette and Country Journal
Saturday, October 29, 1791
[News Item]
The Public may be assured, that the Notes of the BxANK of this Town,
signed by JOHN BROWN, as President, and OLNEY WINSOR, as
Cashier, are at all Times punctually paid, when presented at the BANK:
— Therefore all Persons may safely receive them as Silver and Gold,
they being much more convenient for Carriage and safe Keeping.
128 rhode island historical society
The Providence Gazette and Country Journal
April 7, 1792
[Advertisement]
PROVIDENCE BANK
AT a Meeting of the President and Directors of the PROVIDENCE
BANK, on Thursday the 5th Instant, a Dividend for the first Half Year
was declared, at the Rate of Eight per Cent, per Annum, on the whole
funded Stock of the Bank, and on the first and second Specie Payments
made thereto; which, agreeably to the Constitution, will be paid to the
Stockholders on Demand.
By Order of the President and Directors.
OLNEY WINSOR, Cashier.
Doctoral and Masters' Theses
Relating to Rhode Island
Presented at Brown University in the Departments of
Economics, History, Political Science, and Social Science;
on deposit in the John Hay Library
Compiled by Hope F. Kane*
Doctoral Theses:
Marguerite Appleton, Relations of the Corporate Colony of Rhode Island
to the British Government. [Providence] 1928. 292 p. map.
Carol Aronovici, Som.e nativity and race factors in Rhode Island.
[Providence] 1911. 31 p. Tables.
fBruce M. Bigelow, The Commerce of Rhode Island with the West
Indies before the American Revolution. [Providence] 1930. 2 v.
Marion E. Bratcher, Social investigation of seven rural towns in Rhode
Island. [Providence] 1916. 355 p., maps. Treats of Burrillville,
Glocester, Foster, Scituate, Coventry, West Greenwich, and Exeter.
Harold S. Bucklin, A Survey of certain State Institutions for the Care of
Delinquents^ Dependents, and Defectives. [Providence] 1918.
674 p., tables.
*A.B. (Brown) 1927, A.M. (Radcliffe) 1928, Ph.D. (Brown) 1930.
fTemporarily withheld from circulation.
jPublished.
Cli fiord C. Hubbard, Constituthjiial development in R/iotle Island.
[Providence] 1926.
Mrs. \'cra R. R. Kilduff, An Analysis oj the develofmeiit of the Canadian
America)! Trade. [Providence] 1938. 388 p.
fHoward Kemble Stokes, The Finances and Adtnin4stration of Provi-
dence. Baltimore, The [ohns Hopkins, Press, 1903. [ fohns Hop-
kins Universitv Studies in History and Political Science, Extra
\'olume XXV.] 464 p. Chapters 4, 5, and 6 were written originally
as a doctoral thesis at Brown Universitv.
Masters' Theses:
Adolph G. xAbramson, Forces affecting the geographical distribution of
the cotton textile industry in the United States. [Providence] 1936.
106 p.
Robert Harry Ferguson, Textile unions in Rhode Island. [Providence]
1940. 221 p.
f Editha Hadcock, The labor frobletn in the Rhode Island cotton industry.
[Providence] 1931. 167 p.
X'TJie Letter Book of Esek Hopkins Commander-in-chief of the United
States Navy 1775-1777 , edited by Alverda S. Beck. Providence,
Rhode Island Historical Society, 1932. 1 5 1 p.
Robert Cooper Krapf, History of the zvoolen and zcorsted industry in
Rhode Island. [Providence] 1938. 1 54 p.
Constance Morrison, Role of tcomen in- Rhode Island in the 19th century.
[Providence] 1940. 63 p.
tSarah I. Morse, A study of still biifbs and neo-natal deaths in Woon-
socket^ Rhode Island during . . . 1925. Providence, Child Welfare
Division, R. I. State Board of Health, 1926. 26 p.
Gran\ille T. Prior, The French Canadians in Nezv England, [Provi-
dence] 1932. 2 V.
^Theodore Foster'' s Minutes of the Convention held at South Kitigstozvn^
Rhode Island, in March, 1790, zvhich failed to adopt the Consti-
tution of the U nited States, Transcribed with annotations by Robert
C. Cotner. Providence, Rhode Island Historical Society, 1929. 99 p.
Alice M. Towsley, A study of intermarriage in Stamford, Connecticut,
and Woonsocket, Rhode Island. [Providence] 1940. 61 p.
Howard W. Wilson, An index of i/zdustrial acti-vity in Rhode Island.
I Providence] 1931. 112 p.'
Joe H. Wilson, Soldier relief -zcork in Rhode Island during the Civil War.
[Providence] 1931. 84 p.
JUH li '^'^^
X